To create fair conditions between majority and minority in Sweden is a challeging project. Male immigrants usually do not get same opportunities for a success identity structure and integration into Swedish society as women and children. The aim of this thesis is therefore to critically examine and analyse the processes regarding identity structure and integration for male immigrants with a specific focus on Helsingborg. The object of this study is Mansgrupp, a project which helps men to build up a secure ground for identity structure and which further helps them to integrate into the society. To be able to reach the results I have made a literature study as well as a minor field study in Helsingborg, where I conducted interviews with men from the above mentioned project.

This essay presents an alternative approach to the predominant democratic analysis of the European Monetary Union. As the Treaties stipulate the political conduct within Monetary Union and put certain restrictions on the European politicians they are to some extent constitutional in their character. Essential for constitutional theory is the concept of precommitment; according to which a decision is made in t1 purposing to obstruct certain actions in t2. In light of this the aim of this essay is to investigate whether or not delegating monetary responsibility to the ECB can be seen as an example of constitutional precommitment and if so, if this constitutional perspective can add something to the predominant democratic analysis of the EMU. According to the author the EMU is by and large a form of precommitment as the leading politicians in Europe figuratively have tied their hands from intervening in the common monetary policy.

The association between social parameters (i.e. socio-economy and level of education) and voting behaviour has been reviewed and analysed based on data from municipal council elections in Stockholm and Gothenburg in 2002. Some social scientists argue that the class voting is in decline and that new social cleavages have emerged. However, by using regression analysis techniques, this study implies a strong dependence of voting behaviour on social parameters, such as socio-economic status (SES) and level of education. Socio-economy appears to be a dominant predictor in the analysis.

Following changes in society and other influences, the ideology of political parties can evolveover time. For example, theories exist claiming that all parties in Sweden strive towards the"middle".A good example of a political party in Sweden which recently has gained entry toparliament is the Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet, MP).MP was initially influenced by a green ideology (ecologism) which started as a globalmovement stating that no other ideologies shared their concerns about the environment. Thegoal of the ideology was to, via an increased influence within the political system and throughsmall-scale production, increases both natural values and people's well being. By becomingelected into parliament it is plausible that the ideology of MP could have changed due to theinfluence of for example, the realities that parliamentary every day represent.The aim with this essay was to study the changes in MP's party program from the yearof 1994 and the most recent, to see if any changes have occurred related to MP's officialideology. The study was conducted using a comparative text analysis.

This Bachelor Thesis is entitled ?Swedish parental leave and gender equality. Effects on women?s conditions on the labour market?. Through our empirical results in conjunction with economical and sociological theories, this Bachelor Thesis attempts to answer the questions: 1) Why are the claims for Swedish parental leave unevenly distributed between men and women? 2) Does the uneven distribution result in discrimination of women on the labour market? 3) How do different designs of parental leave scheme influence women?s conditions on the labour market and which possibilities are there to change these conditions through changes in the design? We make use of case studies from Denmark, Iceland and Great Britain, which work as basis for policy implications for the Swedish parental leave scheme.

In 2014-2015 a large-scale Ebola epidemic occurred in West Africa. The Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency was given the order to conduct the Swedish response. The purpose of this case study was to investigate the impact on project planning of the three factors: the nature of the crisis, political initiative and developing countries. In this case study the crisis was an epidemic, and the project was initiated by the Swedish Government and conducted in two developing countries. The results were intended to contribute to developed understanding and recommendations for future project managers in similar projects.

Den här uppsatsen söker svaret på vad som genererar hög kvinnorepresentation iparlamenten. Vi har valt att göra en kvantitativforskning av alla världens friademokratier som inledning, sedan en fallstudie av Sydafrika, Mongoliet ochGhana. Avslutningsvis följer en jämförande studie mellan dessa tre länder, för attytterligare fördjupa vår forskning. Vi kommer med hjälp av våra analyser påvisaatt organisering av och nätverkande mellan kvinnor är den mest betydandevariabeln för att ett land ska kunna höja sin andel kvinnor i parlamentet..

Denna intervjustudie utforskar människors erfarenheter från ett långtgående jämställdhetsprojektsom bedrivits i en ideell politisk ungdomsorganisation. Syftet är att undersöka erfarenheterna frånjämställdhetsprojektet för att förstå hur det genomförts, att identifiera potentiella analytiskaingångar för vidare forskning, och att leta efter eventuella överförbara strategier förjämställdhetsarbete. Organisationen sjösatte för ett antal år sedan ett stort internt förändringsprojektmed målet att ?killar och tjejer ska kunna vara medlemmar på lika villkor.? Arbetet har fått relativtstora effekter i organisationen, mycket har förändrats i fråga om makt, utrymme och representation.Projektets effekter och de strategier som använts utforskas i denna uppsats resultatdel. I analysdelenläggs olika teoretiska perspektiv på det empiriska resultatet i syfte att identifiera analytiska ingångarför vidare forskning.

Central in this paper is Olof Johansson, Swedish minister for the environment, there the focus lye on his resignation from this duty which occurred in 1994. This essay is a case study there I?m trying to identify which ethical reasons which lye behind his resignation. The relationship between politics and ethics is an interesting aspect to investigate and my ambition with this paper is to analyze that relationship in this specific case.The analysis has its focus built on the occurrence of role conflicts and the making of ethical decisions. Aspects like personal ethics versus organisational ethics, objective responsibility versus subjective responsibility etc.

This thesis analyzes and discusses the role of institutions concerning countries' abilities to create economic wealth. The countries that we are analyzing are the former members of the Warsaw pact and former Yugoslavia. These countries are referred to as transition countries. In order to analyze the transition countries institutional structure we are using Douglass C. North's theory regarding institutions and institutional building.

Slovenia and Latvia are two examples of countries which have gone through a successful democratic transition. They were both under authoritarian rule and command economy up until their declarations of independence in the early 90s. Today they have a functional market economy and political pluralism. I have examined transition theories highlighted by Jonas Linde and Joakim Ekman and from these theories sought the explanations to what lies behind the successful transitions of these two countries. The transition in Slovenia was affected by liberalization from within the ruling communist party which then controlled much of the transition process. A relatively large civil society and the fact that Slovenia was not involved in the Balkan War also contributed to the short process.

The current trend towards globalisation and democratisation has made the theories of politics in pluralistic societies, and how to make them work, of particular interest and concern. Lijphart's theory of consociational democracy is an important influence in this field. At the same time the importance of civil society in transition studies and democratisation processes has been reinforced over the last thirty years. However, the complex political situation that plural societies face, creates obstacles for a healthy civil society. This thesis is based on a case study of Lebanon, a country with deep ethnic divisions and a government that resembles a consociational democracy.

The main purpose of this analytic study which has a theoretical focus, Is to find out if the two Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna (s) - The Social Democrats - and Folkpartiet (p) - The Liberal Party - has taken position ideologically or strategically to the new sex-degree grading scale. The theory section describes the concepts of ideology and strategy. Despite the talk of the death of the ideologies, this don't need to be the case, they only adjust över time. The second key-point of this essay is strategy, a model based on Frostbergs reasoning illustrates this. A number of problem areas are presented.

The purpose of this study is to highlight the existence ofpersonalization within Swedish political parties along withhow the parties work with this phenomena in order to achievemore voters.The method used is personal interviews with politiciansfrom four different government parties. As a complement, interviews with a political expert was also made. All parties use personalization in different ways as a strategy tocreate dialogues and relationships with both media and voters. We distinguished two sorts of personalization: individualization and privatization, and discovered that not all parties use both..

abstractThe aim of this essay is to try to convince the reader that relativism and postmodernism (the latter implying the former, but not the other way around) can be reasonable methods for the social sciences, rather than the irresponsible play of ?extremes? theories of this kind sometimes are made out to be.The intention is to do this by way of the later Wittgenstein, the philosophy of whom is the foundation for what is termed relativism and postmodernism in this essay (definitions of a kind that are here claimed to be missing from the discourse of the social sciences). The essay also contains an empirical presentation/analysis, displaying the Wittgensteinian theory through an aspect of the American Civil Rights movement of the 1950s and -60s..