On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.

The purpose of this essay was to examine young people's view of how intoxication influences the communication and responsibility in sexual situations between two heterosexual adolescents, and to explore how young people define rape.The main questions were to examine how young people describe the communication of "yes" and "no" in sexual meetings, and who is responsible for that communication. Other questions included examining how the interviewees viewed a situation where a girl shows and/or says "no" and a boy still ignores her sexual integrity.The study was based on six qualitative interviews.The interviewees considered non-verbal communication about both "yes" and "no" to sex in a sober condition superior to verbal communication. The study also showed that the sexual responsibilities for girls increase during intoxication, while the responsibilities for boys decrease. A majority of the interviewees considered that a girl who didn't want to participate in sex must be very explicit when expressing her "no", and if not, there was an understanding that a boy can misinterpret or ignore a "no". Rape was by some defined as an act done against one's will, while others claimed that several explicit "no"s had to be infringed to classify it as rape..

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.

News value is an essential part of which event media chooses to report about. Political events consider to bee news with potentional large value. Media has an enormous power and possibility to create news and construct there own reality and where the readers is given a false expression of what really happened. Today the media must show profit and that indirect affects how the media choose to describe political events. In the Kenya case is it therefore possible to draw the conclusion that the two news paper has different construction of the political event in Kenya.

Demographic Surveillance System Implementation- Low-level structures of the PDA- PC/PDA communicationThis thesis report describes the continuing work to develop a tool for demographic research at CIDS (Centro de Investigación en Demografía y Salud Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Nicaragua), UNAN, Leon/Nicaragua.The report is divided into four parts:? Revision of the existing database as a result of newly found requierments? Implementation of the low-level design on the PDA? Communication between the PC and the PDA? A mid-storage database on the client-PC.

Turkey has recieved recurring criticism on their disrespect of women and their rights and The European Union Commission and CEDAW, the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, are two examples of critics. However, during the last years Turkey has shown a number of improvments and positive developments. Two flagrant examples of the extended debate of the above mentioned scarcity is within the area of legislation and the large number of womenNGO´s.The aim of my thesis is to investigate which strategies womenorganizations in Turkey are using to affect the political agenda from a genderperspective; do they choose an international or a national strategi? The analysis is based on four womenNGO´s and their efforts of influence and effects on the political agenda and how they experience the link between themselves and the Turkish government. My findings suggest that a national strategy is chosen before an international strategy, but the choice seems to depend on specific goals of the organization and the national climate.

This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is ?actors and structures? and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results.The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society.

This study investigates the potential of a rhetorical theory of knowledge to expand beyond its own domain and into political theory, specifically theories of deliberative democracy. Despite the increasing interest in communication in democratic theory in the last decades, the majority of theorists have not turned their interest towards rhetorical science. On the contrary, theorists often regard rhetoric as dangerous and incompatible with the deliberative ideal of reason. The aim of this study is therefore to defend rhetorical science by investigating how the rhetorical theory of knowledge ? as it is presented by Chaïm Perelman and Oldbrecht Tyteca, and further developed by Mats Rosengren and Maria Wolrath Söderberg ? can contribute to the understanding of deliberative democracy.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

This thesis aim to shed a light on how to communicate the individual and subjective feeling of safety in the arena of public events such as music- and cultural festivals with the safety-project on Peace & Love festival in Borlänge, Sweden as a practical example. Earlier research has mainly been focusing on the objective side of safety on these kind of events. Peace & Love decided to put a larger focus on the safety for the festival in 2012, and Trygghetsprojektet was started. By looking at how the project is formed this study wants to show how organisations can communicate a feeling of being safe to the audience to enable them to fully enjoy an event.The main questions asked in this study is: How can a feeling of being safe be communicated to a large number of people by focused acts of communication at a festival? How does the head of safety and the safety coordinator work with communicating a feeling of being safe to the audience? How does these communication acts relate to earlier research on mass communication? The results shows that communication within the organisation and with its partners is of great importance for the outcomes of the project and that communication of the feeling of being safe is much greater then the hands-on communication of words.

This thesis explores strategic communication management within the non-profit sector. Communication models need to be adapted to the specific sector as different sectors require different approaches of strategic communication management. In the spring of 2013, the non-profit organization Save the Children Sweden initiated a communication model based on volunteer communicators. The following study explores how non-profit organizations can manage communications with a focus on volunteers as a communication resource. The applied research questions concern how volunteers may be integrated into communication activities, the opportunities and challenges connected to involving volunteer communicators and how this may affect the role of the organization's employed communicators.

The purpose of this essay is to present, from a theoretical framwork about regional democracy, possible methods to handle the regional democratic problems in Östergötland in Sweden and to investigate the opinion of the political parties regarding this issue. Both the national and the local/regional level are investigated. The contents of the essay is based on literature studies and interviews of politicians in Östergötland. Regional democratic problems that is discussed are the political responsibility and the power distribution between the political actors on the regional level. A solution of the problem could be to organize the regional society structure in accordance with one of the following organization models"Statligt regionalt ansvar","Kommuner i samverkan"or"Regionalt folkstyre".

Background: Communication allows people to gain understanding of themselves and their surroundings, which is a prerequisite for good health. The nurse may in her communication help patients develop a feeling that they are not alone in their situation. If the patients cannot express themselves and make themselves understood, it can lead the patients to feel left out which emphasizes the suffering at having aphasia. Aim: The aim of this study was to identify the components which affect nurse?s communication with patients with aphasia.

Regionalism is a concept of extensive proportions and as such is complex to define. This phenomenon becomes much clearer by studying it from different perspectives. This paper focuses on regional political parties and description of their political ideas. The goal of this paper is to examine and compare regional political parties in two Swedish regions: Norrbotten and Skåne. By studying two biggest regional parties in these regions, namely Norrbottensparti and Skånepartiet, I will try to get an insight into the regional politics, as well as illustrate regionalism and its meaning.

Aim: My aim with this study is to investigate whether the co-workers in the company Arla Foods is satisfied with the communication between the company and the employees. If there are any changes to be made or if it works well as it is now.Method: I have sent out invistigationforms to 85 co-workers within Arla Foods. This forms included questions about Arla Foods internal communication and how the co-workers apprehend this. I have also made 7 interviews over the phone with co-workers on the dairys around Sweden. Including in these 7 interviews have I also talked and posed questions to representatives for the trades-union within Arla Foods.