The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is probably the world's most known andinternationally most respected document. The purpose of this study is to examine if the UDHRreflects universal values and norms and to assess its moral and juridical relevance today, 60 yearsafter the adoption. The literature used in this literature-based critical study is mainly written bythe academic elite of the discourse on Human Rights. By comparing these sources I have reachedthe conclusion that the UDHR is still today an important document because of its continuinginfluence on international lawmaking and because of the encouragement and aspirations tomankind in the never-ending struggle for the rights it represents..

The purpose of this study is to analyse how the local governments have implanted the new public health policy, which Sweden adopted in April 2003. The new health policy stakes out a new direction for national public health policy. Instead of focusing on diseases the new public health policy focus in factors that determine health.Important factors to study are the role of central steering from the central government. The method used is a case study of three Swedish local governments. The main material used is interviews and different policy documents within the area of public health.The conclusion of the study shows that the local governments are fairly satisfied with the steering of public health policy by the central government.

Den 11:e sptember 2001 inträffade västvärldens i särklass värsta terror dåd på Manhattan i New York. I samma ögonblick som det första planet plöjde in i ett av World Trade Centers torn började in process mot ett fullskaligt krig mellan USA och Terrorismen. I denna process har vi skiljt ut två personer och tre beslut som vi anser i hög grad har påverkat det efterföljande kriget. George W. Bush och Donald rumsfeld har i vår mening satt tydliga spår på den fortsatta utvecklingen.

This paper examines the European Commission?s, newly established, ?Register of interest representatives? The analysis is divided in two parts, first I analyze the registers purpose, the kind, and detail, of information it contains and the different kinds of groups that are supposed to register. After that I analyze the organizations in the register more thoroughly, using a database of my own creation. The database was constructed with information drawn from the register, as well as information from external sources. Regarding the design and purpose of the register, I find that improvements in the design are needed, if the register is to fulfill its purpose.

This paper analyzes governance of cultural and ethnic integration. The study has a comparative perspective between five municipalities in Skåne. One aim in this thesis is to clearify the ratio between the state and municipal authority and how municipalities exercise their autonomy. I analyze the advantages and disadvantages in different governance methods linked to how the municipalities are working in practice and what problem the integration policy is intended to eliminate. I also resolve the influence of officials and citizens in the policy process.My conclusion is that direct ruling to a large extent is limited by indirect control.

After the fall of the Iron Curtain the European Union was challenged partly by an institutionalized organization of the union, as well as by a socio-psychology awareness concerning the meaning of the European Union. The increase in European integration has generated a political collaboration where national understandings in identities are constantly being exposed for reconstruction. This results in a collective European identity where states are united in diversity.National identities are created when boundaries are set up in a relation to other states. In these identity constructions there are thoughts and questions raised such as who we are and who we are not. Ukraine and the European Union has, during a long time, had diversified preconceptions concerning who has been the others.

AbstractDet övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att förstå varför det förekommit problem med färdtjänsten i Lund sedan seklets början. Vi undersöker dels vad det innebär att styra färdtjänsten med kontrakt och dels beställarkompetensen hos tekniska förvaltningen i Lund. Våra resultat visar på att styrformen i sig inte behöver orsaka problem, men att det troligen spelar in i detta fall eftersom förvaltningen inte haft tillräcklig beställarkompetens för att minska vissa transaktionskostnader av kontraktsstyrningen. Det finns även vissa indikationer på att utvecklingen av förtroende mellan aktörerna missgynnats av turbulensen under de första åren på seklet. Förvaltningen rekommenderas utveckla en mer omfattande beställandekompetens genom systematiska utvärderingar..

This thesis examines the relationship between OECD-DAC and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) within an aid efficiency context. The ability for these two actors to cooperate is highly important and determines the outcome for a major part of the development aid in the new millennium. The development agenda for the new millennium emphasizes aid efficiency as a key to a more successful aid, and this requires increased cooperation between all actors. The analysis made is a discourse analysis. The discourse of aid efficiency is analyzed, both its preconditions and results.The analyze finds out that there is a gap between OECD-DAC and CSOs in terms of how to handle aid efficiency.

This thesis examines the Swedish labour market with a focus on the immigrant part off the population. There are big differences between the immigrant and particular non-European immigrant part off the population and native Swedes. In the first part off this thesis I will show that immigrants in Sweden have a higher rate of unemployment, lower rate off employment, lower wage incomes, higher risk off unemployment and are overrepresented in low skilled, low status jobs. Even when controlling for different factors such as education level, knowledge in the Swedish language, age etc. a big gap remains.

In 1998 the Swedish Socialist Government initiated a project in order to promote economic growth and to end the discriminating social and ethnic segregation in the greater city regions of Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmo. One of the goals of the project was and still is to promote political participation in 24 of the poorest areas of the three cities. In a quantitative analysis I evaluate whether or not the project so far has been successful in promoting a specific part of political participation, i.e. electoral participation in communal elections. The results of the 24 poor city areas are compared with a group of 14 likewise poor city areas of major swedish cities.According to my hypothesis, general improvements of the socio-economic status of poor city areas ought to generate positive effects on electoral participation in communal elections.

This essay criticizes common theories within the three traditional perspectives, conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation, for not being able to explain and/or generate solutions to the problems of fundamentalism and religious terrorism in a satisfying manner. This essay is trying to synthesize an alternative analytical framework that better can explaining these phenomena and generate potential solutions. The frameworks ontological ground is laid out using different readings of Foucault, thereby seeing the subject as formed by discourses, material processes and institutions. Fundamentalism and terrorism are seen as a violent resistance to repressed subjectivity, but the form of resistance depends on the discursive and non discursive surroundings. This gives rise to different forms of resistance; the production of discourses and founding of groups and the entry of marginalized people in these groups.

This master thesis? purpose is to examine the role of Swedish universities in the prevention of extremism and terrorism. Depending on how the universities look upon their role in preventing extremism and promoting democracy among their students, extremism can either flourish or be restrained in the higher learning environment. An unclear standpoint against extremism from the universities side could make it possible for extremism to prosper at the universities, and students with extremist opinions may be radicalized and recruited to extremist organizations and terrorism. What are the universities standpoints in the matter whether universities should promote democracy and prevent and restrain extremism and the recruitment of students to extremist organizations? During the study I have mainly been using primary material in the shape of semi structured interviews with predecessors of four Swedish universities.

Central in this paper is Olof Johansson, Swedish minister for the environment, there the focus lye on his resignation from this duty which occurred in 1994. This essay is a case study there I?m trying to identify which ethical reasons which lye behind his resignation. The relationship between politics and ethics is an interesting aspect to investigate and my ambition with this paper is to analyze that relationship in this specific case.The analysis has its focus built on the occurrence of role conflicts and the making of ethical decisions. Aspects like personal ethics versus organisational ethics, objective responsibility versus subjective responsibility etc.

Our thesis is a single-case study in which we try to answer the question: Why didn?t the lobbygroup Eurogroup for Animals get enough support for their demands in the latest regulation regarding transport of animals? As an example of their cooperation with their memberorganisations, we have chosen the Swedish organisation Djurens Rätt. Through interviews with key-persons involved in the process and with the use of Jeremy Richardson's theory regarding lobbying in the EU, we found that there were many different factors that effected Eurogroup for Animals chances to get an animal friendly legislation. For example by setting too ambitious demands Eurogroup for Animals wasn?t considered to be a serious actor during the legislation process.

Sedan 2002 har kommuner runt om i landet infört medborgarförslag med syfte att öka delaktigheten och dialogen mellan medborgarna och kommunen. Detta är ett projekt som prövar att införa deltagardemokratiska inslag inom ramen för den representativa demokratin.Uppsatsen bygger på en jämförelse vi gjort mellan Lund och Kristianstad kommun med avseende på hur väl dessa lyckats med införandet av medborgarförslag och vad som detta resulterat i. Materialet som vi använt oss av är framförallt de medborgarförslag som inkommit till de båda kommunerna men även intervjuer och relaterad litteratur. Vår slutsats är att det i båda kommunerna finns ett grundläggande problem när det gäller sammansättningen av de som deltar men även att kommunerna lyckats olika väl när det gäller uppslutningen och informationen kring medborgarförslag..