Med denna studie avser vi att identifiera vilka hinder som finns i demokratise-ringsprocessen. För att göra detta använder vi oss utav en historisk-sociologisk te-ori, presenterad utav Rueschemeyer, Stephens, Stephens (1992). Teorin bygger på antagandet att det är maktrelationen mellan samhällets klasser som styr förutsätt-ningarna för en demokratisk utveckling, där en stark markägande elit samt en svag underklass utgör negativa faktorer. För att pröva teorin gör vi en fallstudie över Guatemala. Denna grundar sig på en jämförelse av demokratiseringsprocessen över tid, från tidigt 90-tal fram till idag.

In the 1920s the law against vagrancy had been unaltered since it?s introduction in 1885. During that period, Sweden had undergone great social and political transformation in the wake of industrialisation, urbanisation and democratisation. The political landscape had changed and the social sciences were organising knowledge in new ways. The public opinion realised the need for a review of the vagrant law that better corresponded to the modern times.

Over the last years there has been a considerable change in Swedish municipals. The number of municipals run by a rainbow coalition, a coalition made up of parties from different political blocks, has increased dramatically. Despite this clear pattern little research has tried to explain this increase. My thesis? aim is to try and clear the water around this subject by answering three questions about this type of coalitions.

AbstractDue to the success of the Populist Party Sverigedemokraterna in the Swedish election of 2006, the daily paper Sydsvenska Dagbladet published a number of columns written by well-known academics, writers and debaters. Their aim was to address the question of why this happened in the election and what it is in the Swedish society today that brought forward these trends. The first and the last word was given to the writer Fredrik Ekelund, and therefore the debate was named Ekelunddebatten.The debaters are fighting to present their view of the world as the only option when categorizing different societal groups and appointing themselves as group representatives. My aim is to unravel these different conceptions of the world and to do this I use the Dicourse Analysis as a method. I discuss the results with Critical Discourse Theory as a theoretical base and also from the view of the current societal discourses: the working class discourse, the multicultural discourse and the discourse of political correctness.I mainly observe four different conceptions of the world with different posing of problems.

On three occasions, in 1973, 1993 and 2005, Swedish parliament and government has resolved to integrate the, previously independent, foreign offices beloning to the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) with the Swedish embassies. The implemenation of the integrationreform has however been a lengthy process. This thesis adresses two main issues: how has the integrationreform been able to remain a viable recipe for organizational change over time and why has the integrationprocess taken so long? Lastly I assess the possibility for effective implementation following the decision 2005.Based on New Institutionalism I conducted an historical analysis of the integrationprocess to explore the conditions for reform. My results indicate that the integrationreform primarly suited the interests of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, making the Foreign Serivce more effective and clarifying the Ministry's responsibilty for Swedish development cooperation policy.

The purpose of this study is to examine to what extent the senior level Swedish school can be viewed as supporting, or counteracting, a colonial discourse that legitimizes global and national injustices. The study is executed through a discourse analysis of five textbooks in social science for senior level Swedish schools.Using elements from Foucault and Edward Said a theoretical framework is constructed, in which a colonial discourse is perceived as structured around four clusters of ideas, namely (i) the use of dichotomies, (ii) the concept of progress and civilization, (iii) the construction of -we- as synonymous with (ii), and (iv) the construction of -the others- as the opposite of (ii) and, therefore, the opposite of -us-.The results show that a colonial discourse is still highly present in the textbooks, in that the texts are structured around dichotomies such as tradition/modernity and democracy/dictatorship. Sweden and the Western world are perceived as closely associated with democracy, freedom, and modernity, whereas -the others- of the world are being associated with e.g. poverty, conflict, tradition, and ignorance. -The others- within Sweden, i.e.

In 2003 the deciding political council in Bromölla municipality requested that an overhaul on the committee and public administration structure should be conducted. In the report Bromölla was characterized as a traditional organization with a low degree of change. This case study will examine why the organization previously has been reluctant to change its structure and why they are willing to do so now. In the pursuit of this objective I conducted document studies, interviews and observations. I have used theories on, institutional change and organizational culture to enlighten this.My findings shows that the traditionalists within the organization has greatly affected this reluctance towards change, in the deciding council 39 % of the representatives are 60 years or older.

In 2003 the deciding political council in Bromölla municipality requested that an overhaul on the committee and public administration structure should be conducted. In the report Bromölla was characterized as a traditional organization with a low degree of change. This case study will examine why the organization previously has been reluctant to change its structure and why they are willing to do so now. In the pursuit of this objective I conducted document studies, interviews and observations. I have used theories on, institutional change and organizational culture to enlighten this.My findings shows that the traditionalists within the organization has greatly affected this reluctance towards change, in the deciding council 39 % of the representatives are 60 years or older.

Vid närmare undersökning upptäckte jag ett fält som inte tidigare hade utforskats. Forskning kring förhandlingar mellan olika nationaliteter med olika kulturer är utbredd men väldigt lite finns kring förhandlingar mellan samma nationalitet fast med olika kulturer. Inget fanns kring förhandlingar mellan arbetarkulturen och tjänstemannakulturen inom Sverige vilket fick mig att skriva denna pilotstudie om just detta. Med en reviderad version av Raymond Cohens teori om förhandlingar och kultur som ramverk lyckades jag med hjälp av samtalsintervjuer, enkäter och egna observationer ifrån förhandlingar visa på vissa kulturella skillnader. Det skulle visa sig att arbetarkulturen var kollektivistiskt orienterad medan tjänstemannakulturen var mer individualistiskt orienterad vilket har en rad konsekvenser för förhandlingarna dem emellan.

On-call work has increased substantially in the past 20 years in Sweden, not least in the public sector and most notably in health and social care. This thesis argues that the increase has considerable influence on the prospects of on-call workers in the public services to act as guardians of democracy. Based on theories of Lennart Lundquist, the results of this study show that on-call workers suffers from inferior opportunities to act as democratic guardians in particularly two matters. First; they have fewer prospects than standard employees of professionalism due to lack of education and capacitation. Second; on-call workers have inferior opportunities to protest against wrongs, due to no real formalized possibilities to inform and due to transactional psychological contracts.

Anonymous job applications as a method to further diversity on the labour market is widely discussed. The method aims to promote an equal selection procedure, where the employer can only judge on merits and experience. We are with this study on the other hand interested in seeing how this specific method of employment has been implemented. We have chosen to perform a small qualitative case study, of a limited attempt of this method in the government administration of Kortedala, a district in Gothenburg.Our intrests are to see whether we can, while studying a specific implementation procedure, show that any implementation problems have occurred. Furthermore explaining it by applying our implementation theory, that consists of Lennart Lundquists three criterias for explaining implementation problems experienced from the appliers' standpoint.

In this essay we try to find explanations as to why Denmark went to war, to-gether with the United States and other nations, against Iraq. We have exam-ined several factors which we believe to be the most important for Denmark`s decision to go to war. In particular, we have looked at Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen and his belief system, Denmark`s recent domestic policies especially the immigrations policies, relevant parts of Denmark`s past foreign policies and Denmark`s role within international organizations like UN, NATO and EU. Throughout the essay our attention is focused on Rasmussen as a main actor in forming and pushing through Denmark`s policies..

The economic growth in Ireland, during the 1990s, lead to changing migration patterns. Ireland became a destination country for immigrants instead of an emigration country. Before 2004 people who were born on the island of Ireland had a constitutional right to Irish citizenship. This right was removed after a referendum in 2004.National identity is a sense of community constructed through common history and defines who belongs to the nation. The purpose of this thesis is to do a critical discourse analysis of the debate in media before the referendum.The analysis was done on texts from The Irish Times, one of the major newspapers in Ireland.

The Swedish public inquiries and most of the political science advocate reforms in the spirit of participatory democracy to strengthen the democracy. Although it is striking how limited and narrow the scientific documentation is in analysing the effects of participatory democratic reforms. Still, many of the local governments in Sweden are reshaping their organisations according to the participatory democracy model. Is it a trend and a symbolic action or a veritable action of good-will of the politicians?The paper argues that the idea of participatory democracy has become popular and widely spread.

The Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention stipulerade att länder med McDonald's inte bekrigar varandra. Uppsatsen undersöker varför denna hypotes falsifierades efter att ha varit giltig i 32 år. Med i första hand kvantitativa metoder identifieras ett antal utslagsgivande faktorer för att ett land ska få McDonald?s. Det konstateras att demokrati förr var en mycket viktig faktor men idag helt upphört att var det, medan närheten till USA idag är viktigare än någonsin förr.