This paper aims at describing and explaining the bi-and multilateral negotiations that are, and have been, taking place between Sweden's chief negotiator Allan Larsson and European countries, and within the EU institutions in Brussels, in order to seek support for the Swedish offer to host the European Spallation Source, ESS. It applies a case study method using political science theories ? governance and government ? and to a large extent information from the involved actors in the policy process. The paper also presents a constructive position, in showing how the negotiations on ESS can turn into a process leading to a decision on the construction of this research facility. ESS is negotiated in networks on bi- and multilateral levels consisting of European research representatives and financiers.

Det svenska medlemskapet i EU har vidgat gränserna och skapat ett nytt retoriskt rum, där nivåer och sektorer och deras respektive plats i ett nytt geopolitiskt sammanhang ofta fungerar annorlunda än i folkhemmet.Hur ser detta retoriska rum ut, om jag undersöker två journalistiska modeller, en europeisk-meridional och en anglosaxisk, med exempel från Frankrike och Sverige? Detta undersöker denna franska uppsats på magisternivå, som här erbjuds i svensk översättning. Uppsatsen lades fram vid Institutionen för språk och kultur, Linköpings Universitet, den 16 november 2006.Frankrike anses av många i Sverige som ett modernt land, men ? ack, så traditionellt? Le Nouvel Observateur är en arena där denna och andra uppfattningar går att verifiera, eftersom tidningen fortsätter att komma ut en gång i veckan sedan 1964. Moderna Tider, för sin del, var en av många svenskar uppskattad intellektuell arena under perioden 1994- 2002.

Citizenship is fundamental for participation in a democracy. It gives us rights but also responsibilities in the state that we are citizens of. Citizenship provides us with the opportunity to vote in order to influence who should govern us. However, not all living in a state are citizens. Some individuals are not included in the political life of the state.In recent years, there has been a rise of nationalist political parties in Europe.

IntroduktionAvdelningsronden är ett vanligt inslag i sjukhusbaserad slutenvård. Vetenskapliga studier saknas där ronden som social eller organisatorisk konstruktion fokuseras. Ett genusperspektiv antas i denna studie för att ge kännedom om maktstrukturer och orättvisor samt försöker hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför dessa uppstår.SyfteStudiens syfte är att undersöka vad som är mest angeläget för den kirurgiska avdelningssjuksköterskan i samband med avdelningsronden och hur hon/han hanterar detta i relation till rondens övriga aktörer.MetodStudien kommer att genomföras med Grounded Theory enligt Charmaz (2010). Urvalet kommer att ske bland sjuksköterskor på olika kirurgiska vårdavdelningar vid ett universitetssjukhus i Sverige. Datainsamlingen kommer att ske genom observation följt av intervju.

This essay aims to examine Martha Nussbaum's proposal for a classical defense of reform in liberal education and her critique of utility thinking in higher education. I want to explore how Nussbaum uses history to create an ethical alternative that cultivates both moral and intellectual virtues, which she considers to be crucial for the survival of democracy. In examining Nussbaum's use of Aristotle, I focus on her work as a proposal for institutional implementation of an Aristotelian epistemology and the cultivation of the individual as an ethical political subject. This study highlights the epistemological, educational and political ideas that form the basis of Nussbaum's ideals. I intend, however, to go beyond a contextualizing reading and thus establish a dialogue with a radical intersubjectivity to respond to Nussbaum's ambitions to recognize human vulnerabilities as assets for reason.

The aim of this Master's thesis is to examine the ways in which culture and cultural policy are being articulated in the process of Lund's application to become Sweden's European Cultural Capital of 2014.I have used Dorte Skot-Hansen's three cultural political rationalities: the humanistic-, the sociological- and the instrumental rationality, as well as and Jenny Johannisson's extension of those into three cultural-political discourses, as sensitizing concepts in my analysis. The questions raised are: How are the three rationalities/discourses articulated in the chosen central documents and in the process surrounding them? Which themes and arguments dominate the chosen documents?The main objects of my study have been four texts that have been produced in the applicationprocess: a Prestudy, a Plan of action, a Broschure and a Cultural policy. Along with them local political protocols, newspaper articles and other related material have been used. The research method applied was a qualitative eclectical textual analysis with emphasis on the content and on tracing the way the rationalities were expressed in the material.The rationalities were all found to be articulated in the four texts.

This thesis studies three kinds of debate formats. Those are DN Debatt, SVT Debatt and Ring P1. The focus lies in the interrelations between these forums and how they interact with theri audience. Since debate is an essential tool for political and democratic practice, it is vital to study the movements and the realtions between these media formats. Some of the questions in this study are: What happens with a debate topic when it moves between the formats? In which way are the formats democratic and what does their communicative forms mean for political practice and citizen participation? The study shoes how the interpretation of a specific term can expand during a debate.

The aim of this paper is in part to distinguish the ideas raised in the Swedish political debate on the new discrimination law in relation to protection of groups. Is protection by law against discrimination needed for the individual or the group? If it is needed for members of groups, are these groups viewed on as static or variable. Are there any conflicts present between group interests? We link these ideas to three different theoretical perspectives: multiculturalism, feminism and intersectionality and further examine the differences and contradictions between the perspectives represented by members of parliament.

Det svenska medlemskapet i EU har vidgat gränserna och skapat ett nytt retoriskt rum, där nivåer och sektorer och deras respektive plats i ett nytt geopolitiskt sammanhang ofta fungerar annorlunda än i folkhemmet.Hur ser detta retoriska rum ut, om jag undersöker två journalistiska modeller, en europeisk-meridional och en anglosaxisk, med exempel från Frankrike och Sverige? Detta undersöker denna franska uppsats på magisternivå, som här erbjuds i svensk översättning. Uppsatsen lades fram vid Institutionen för språk och kultur, Linköpings Universitet, den 16 november 2006.Frankrike anses av många i Sverige som ett modernt land, men ? ack, så traditionellt? Le Nouvel Observateur är en arena där denna och andra uppfattningar går att verifiera, eftersom tidningen fortsätter att komma ut en gång i veckan sedan 1964. Moderna Tider, för sin del, var en av många svenskar uppskattad intellektuell arena under perioden 1994- 2002.

Psykologi är ett ämnesområde som hittar nya tillämpningsområden, och under inledningen av 2000-talet har coaching blivit en trend. Uppsatsens syfte är att förstå hur teoretisk och empirisk bakgrund verkar in på hur professionella, heltidsarbetande coacher arbetar, samt hur psykologer kan hitta en vetenskaplig ingång i att arbeta med friska människors behov av växt och utveckling. Intervjuer utfördes med åtta coacher med varierande teoretisk bakgrund, samt psykologförbundets ordförande Lars Ahlin. Rapporten visar att coaching är ett mångfacetterat område, där utbildningar och branschstandard fortfarande är fragmenterat och svårt att få en överblick över. Coacher som inte är psykologer eller beteendevetare använder sig av sk erfarenhetsbaserat empiri med ett belief-based teoretisk ramverk.

AbstractCities are once again becoming the locus of economic, social and political processes. The effect of these processes on the city is two-fold: one one hand they threaten to fragment and dislocate the city and the actors within them, on the other hand they give actors within cities new opportunities to react and mobilize resources towards different strategies of integration. The latter gives rise to what Patrick Le Galès calls the collective actor-city. The aim of this thesis is to explore the notion of the city as a collective actor in a swedish context by utilizing Le Galès theory of european cities as collective actors in an abductive case study on the city of Malmoe. By utilizing Le Galès five dimensions that make up a collective actor I analyze interviews conducted with city officals aswell as documents produced from the city wide plan of action Welfare for everybody.

This thesis, drawing from several empirical investigations, reaches the conclusion that there seems to be a positive correlation between the level of democracy and the level of state capacity in Latin American countries. This correlation is explained by a hypothesis derived from Rational Choice theory. With some important caveats, this conclusion is then applied to the discussion about democracy as a form of government. Within democracy, the thesis also offers an insight into different electoral systems and its possible implications, mostly on a theoretical level. The thesis only exists in swedish as of yet..

This paper deals with institutional and structural factors' influence on democratic transition in limited multiparty regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa. Comparing the cases Kenya and Tanzania, of which the former has made a transition to democracy and the latter has not, this paper reaches the conclusion that political traditions, the coalescing of the opposition, and the elites ability to learn from the electoral process is essential for a transition to democracy. In the specific cases, the harshness of the Moi regime and the Tanzanian vision of national unity may possibly carry some explanatory power, alongside the pressure from international actors.These results have been reached through the application of a comparative case study, where democratic transition constitutes the dependent variable. It should be noted that a harsh definition of the term transition has been applied, according to which the incumbents actual loss of an election is a necessary indicator for transition. However, the Freedom House and Polity scores have been brought up as complement of this definition.

The purpose of this study is to survey how the Sweden Democrats? success in the latest election to the Swedish parliament has changed teaching in social science. The main question is: in what way has the success of the Sweden Democrats influenced social science teaching? This leads to following sub-questions: 1) how do the social science teachers define the Sweden Democrats, 2) how do teachers relate to the Sweden Democrats in the classroom, 3) has there been a change in students? political opinions and 4) were there any discussions or proposals from the school administration which followed the parliamentary election of 2010? To answer these questions, interviews were made with four teachers. The main conclusion of this study is that the Sweden Democrats? success led to a simplification of teaching because phenomena and opinions that were previously taboo nowadays are normalized and thus have its place in the classroom.

This paper is a statistical examination about how the European Parliament views questions about equality between women and men. It focuses on how the members understand gender equality depending on ideological standpoint, nationality and gender. In other words, it focuses on whether the politicians have different point of views depending on which parliamentary political group they belong to, which member state they are coming from or which gender (man/woman) they have.Equality between women and men is a complex problem. This paper is concentrating on two questions; the problem about setting up a European gender institute and the problem about gender mainstreaming.The examination, which is a statistical examination about how politicians were voting in both questions, shows that all variables, ideological standpoint, nationality and gender, are determining factors for their voting behaviour in questions about gender equality. Ideological standpoint is the most important variable, second in place is gender and the least important factor is nationality..