AbstractThe aim of this thesis is to analyse a proposition that was made by the Swedish liberal party in the election campaign in 2002. The proposition was part of an integration program and the main point was that to become a Swedish citizen you should do a test to prove your ability in Swedish. In this paper, I?ve been investigating the way that this proposition was presented and the reactions that it met among the Swedish people. In my work I have noticed that there are some specific arguments that were very powerful and which were the ones that attracted most people.

The aim with this essay has been to see how students use drinking-songs and what function they have. I have also wanted to see how the traditions are carried on between the students. In order to do this, I have been observing three parties organised by three different student associations at Växjö University: Västkustens nation, Föreningarnas Festeri and Isterbandet. I have interviewed five people that have been attending the dinners. I have used Alan Merriam?s theory of use/function and made interpretations of his theory.

The purpose of this study is to analyze what criminological theory explanations the Sweden Democrats use in their criminal politics. The three main questions from which we assume are: How do the Sweden Democrats approach crime? On which criminological theory is the Sweden Democrat?s policy of crime based upon? And which measures and preventive methods do the Sweden Democrats find appropriate to fight criminality? Our hypothesis is that the Sweden Democrat?s reuse/reproduce the Labeling Theory and that the party with its standpoints in this area and the rhetoric used, create a risk for individuals and/or groups of people to be labeled. The labeling can then contribute to increasing crime, in the form of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Our study is a qualitative study, based on literature studies.

AbstractTitle: The Sweden Democrat is coming! ? A quantitative study of the framing of the Sweden Democrats in the local press during the month of the parliamentary election in 2010 (Sverigedemokraten kommer! ? En kvantitativ studie av hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades i lokalpressen under månaden för riksdagsvalet 2010)Number of pages: 41 (42 including enclosures)Author: Tobias EnefalkTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Autumn 2010University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Informatics and Media, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: This essay seeks to study how the Swedish political party the Sweden Democrats was framed in Swedish local press during the month of the parliamentary election in 2010. The study is based upon eight local newspapers located in the municipalities where the voting result for the Sweden Democrats increased the most and the least.Material/Method: The material consists of 263 articles from eight different local newspapers gathered from the month of September 2010 (the month of the election). Using a quantitative content analysis and a cluster analysis inspired by Matthes & Kohring, a comparison of the framing is made between the different newspapers. The results of this comparison are then analyzed and discussed by applying theories of political communication, media logic and framing.Main results: The results show that some similarities and some differences occur regarding the framing of the Sweden Democrats between the different newspapers.

It is the aim of this paper to examine, and analyze at a discursive level, the Swedish Democrats' interpretation of the term 'human rights', as this is presented in the material available on the party's official website. The goal is then to investigate in what manner the party portrays its political ambitions in relation to 'human rights'. The theoretical foundation for this analysis is discourse theory as it is presented in the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.Furthermore, the aim is also to examine whether the Swedish Democrats? interpretation of 'human rights' is compatible with the established understanding of the term, such as this is presented in the international UN treaties on human rights. This will be done by thoroughly examining and comparing certain aspects of the Swedish Democrats' political ambitions, such as they have been portrayed in the analytical section of the paper, with relevant sections of the UN treaties..

BackgroundPolitics in some ways has always been about communication and marketing. In Sweden some people believe that communication and meaningful relations with the voters are of no value, instead it is the political content that is of importance. Media evolution has changed the conditions of political marketing; this has meant that the choices of the right communication channels in political marketing have become more important today than ever. Political competition in Sweden has become more even in recent years, this has called for political communication and marketing to be more planed and well thought out. Political parties have therefore begun to spend millions on marketing themselves.

As the numbers of immigrants to Sweden and the EU are ever increasing even the right-wing populist parties grow faster in number. Sweden, Germany and France are three European countries that receive 90 percent of all asylum seekers and should therefore have a well-established and talked about immigration policy one can think. Yet the political parties in Sweden do not mention much about the immigration policy apart from the political party Sweden Democrats. This study aims to analyze eight different political parties in the Swedish parliament through a textual analysis to see what kind of immigration policy they share. Carl Dahlström has a theory to determine what type of policy a certain party has and whether they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants.

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media?s role in the democratic society. The essay?s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay?s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers.

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism.

The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King CarlXVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000?s. More exactly I?ve got two question formulations:Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000?s and are thesestatements, in line with the king?s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversialaccording to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find anyboundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself inthe role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000?s. My procedure is to read theChristmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000?s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVIGustaf to seek answers to the research questions.

Several previous studies have in different ways tried to explain how new social movements are affected by the different sets of political and social contexts within different states and societies. This essay asks the question how much the institutional aspects within the theory of Political Opportunity Structures (POS) have determined how the rather successful animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain have mobilized and acted to gain progress. Since the Netherlands and Great Britain contains different kinds of political and institutional contexts, these two states are found to be suitable for a comparative analysis of the theory's durability. A qualitative portrayal of both state's institutional political opportunity structures are presented. Then the mobilization, progress, and actions of the political party ?Party for the Animals? in the Netherlands, and a wide group of animal rights organisations in Great Britain are determined.

The debate surrounding the opinion polls of the political party Sverigedemokraterna, and later their results in the Swedish election has been evident. The purpose of the study is to investigate how norms of equal treatment in social work practice might be influenced by Sverigedemokraterna's understanding of culture, ethnicity, nationality and religion. The thesis is outlined through the works of Teun van Dijk and Ruth Wodak (2000) regarding racist discourse in politics, Giorel Curran (2004) explaining lesser established parties influence on the broader discourses and Anders Hellström and Tom Nilsson (2010) attempting to ideologically position Sverigedemokraterna. With the method for analyzing policy documents designed by Carol Bacchi (2009) the latest motions from Sverigedemokraterna has been analyzed. Bacchi?s theoretical framework, together with theory concerning the expression of modern racism of John Hodge (1999), Paul Gilroy (1999) and Bennedict Anderson (1996) amongst others has been used to create an understanding of the material.

AbstractThe recruiting of lay judges to the district courts is managed by the political parties. Despite repeated efforts the parties do not succeed in recruiting lay judges that reflect the structure of the inhabitants. Why not? This is the fundamental issue of this essay.This study is a multiple case study of two parties with different success in their recruiting work. The purpose is to study the process of nomination regarding lay judges at the district courts, at the latest election (2006).

In this Bachelor thesis I am going to look at attitudes towards political violence in a small town in Sweden in the 1920s. The town I have picked for this study is Kalmar situated on the east coast of Sweden. This study is a micro historic case study. The specific case is a strike at the city?s water and gas plants for higher salary.