The purpose of the essay is to investigate whether the principles formulated by Peter Ackerman and Christopher Kruegler, concerning strategic non-violent conflicts, can serve a purpose when analyzing improvised non-violent conflicts. The principles are derived from factors that have been prominent in earlier successful improvised non-violent conflicts.The essay is based on two research questions; if the factors included in the principles formulated by Ackerman and Kruegler, exist in the two cases that this study investigates, and if those principles offer a satisfactory explanation for the outcome of an improvised non-violent conflict.To answer the questions the study uses a comparative method, where the improvised non-violent conflict of 2004 in Ukraine is compared to the improvised non-violent conflict of 1988 in Burma.The answer to the first question shows that the factors contained in the principles previously mentioned, exists in both cases. The answer to the second question is more uncertain, as there seems to be doubts on whether the case of Ukraine really was completely improvised. Another reason for caution is that the factors contained in the principles, only consider actions made by non-violent actors, and not by opponents or third parties. Thus the risks of missing vital explanatory factors are substantial..

The members of the OECD have agreed on giving aid assistance to developingcountries in a way of promoting their own capacity of handling the challengeof poverty and development. The members also cooperate and coordinate theiraid to recipient countries in the purpose of giving as effective assistance aspossible. The aid from these countries is often intended to human rights,democracy and has a humanitarian idea. This is the way from the OECDcountries. The Chinese way of giving aid mostly aimed at the industry of therecipient to promote the economic growth to lift the country out of poverty.The Chinese way do not aim or intend their aid at promoting human rights ordemocracy, often just industry and infrastructure.

Uppsatsen behandlar hypotesen om att mänskliga rättigheter blivit en normre-gim som kan utgöra en legitim grund för militärt våld. Genom att se på traditio-nella sätt (realistiska, folkrättsliga och teoritraditionen om rättfärdiga krig) att skapa legitimitet knyter vi an till den aktuella världssituationen där mänskliga rät-tigheter spelar en allt större roll. Uppsatsen diskuterar även vad mänskliga rättig-heter som legitimitetsargument innebär, såsom en möjligtvis konditionerad suve-ränitet, och ett omvärderande av FN:s roll i världen, och de problem som uppstår i förhållande till dessa. Vidare frågar vi oss huruvida mänskliga rättigheter kan ut-göra svepskäl för att rättfärdiga annars illegitima krig. Vårt empiriska fokus ligger på NATO:s intervention i Kosovo och den USA-ledda invasionen av Irak..

Not enough attention has been paid to the correlation between the failure of peacekeeping operations and the actual source of civil wars. This text is an attempt to fill that gap. Hence the question: under which conditions is it possible for peacekeeping operations to replace the responsibility of the state concerning the security aspects of the social contract? The outset of the text, using the theories of Robert Nozick, is a theoretical approach towards the founding of states, described as the merging of entities. The theory serves a purpose since it, in combination with identity, illustrates in what manner the glue of society occurs and the rallying around other kind of loyalties like clans and ethnicities.

The conflict over Western Sahara is primarily a conflict over sovereignty, with Morocco on one side claiming territorial rights, and the Polisario Front on the other side claiming popular sovereignty. The conflict has till this day not been resolved and is in a dire need of a solution. In order to determine which solution is the most appropriate, an understanding of all the complex aspects of the conflict is required. In this context, the study aims to examine the conflict in a globalized setting by analyzing how the American news agency AP News portrays the conflict. The US media conglomerate was specifically chosen due to its dominance over international information flows.

Uppsatsen består av beskrivning och analys av USA:s, Kinas, Rysslands och Japans inställningar till en koreansk återförening, samt dessa inställningars bakomliggande orsaker. Hegemoniskolan och neorealistisk teori används för att förklara staternas ageranden i det anarkiska systemet. Ryssland och Kina ställer sig direkt negativa till en koreansk återförening, främst av säkerhetspolitiska och maktpolitiska skäl. Hegemonen USA är i teorin positivt men i har praktiken inte någon policy. Främst önskar de öka sin egen makt i regionen, medan Kina och Ryssland önskar minska den för att bibehålla maktbalansen.

This essay is built upon the thoughts of Joseph S. Nye concerning power, and the different ways of exercising that power. The characteristics of Nye's theories are the thoughts about the second face of power, or what he describes as the soft power. The essay seeks to examine what kind of power the US has been in their work for non-proliferation and democracy promotion in the Middle East. It also seeks to find what it is that makes the US to choose to exercise the specific powers.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the conflict of interest between shareholders, life insurance companies and insurers in stock life insurance companies operated on a mutual basis from an agency-theoretic perspective. Further, this thesis aims to explore from an ownership-theoretical perspective, why this conflict of interest exist. A qualitative research has been performed and the empirical data is foremost based on interviews with persons from the life insurance industry and public prints. The study concludes that the stock life insurance company operated on a mutual basis has two principals whose interests are in conflict. History has shown that stockowners? interests have been prioritized on the expense of the insurers.

Art.39 är grindvakten som inleder kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och tröskeln vid vilken säkerhetsrådet går från att vara ett multilateralt organ till ett globalt verkställande organ. Konceptet ?threat to the peace? är det bredaste, otydligaste och viktigaste begreppet i art.39 FN-stadgan. Genom att framställa de centrala förutsättningarna för tillämpningen av art. 40-42, öppnar art.

Genom att undersöka implementeringen av tre delar av Guatemalas fredsavtal som vi anser ha stor betydelse för uppbyggnaden av en rättvis och fungerande demokratisk stat försöker vi utvärdera huruvida det råder demokratisk fred i landet. Traditionellt bygger teorin på att två demokratiska stater löper mindre risk att hamna krig med varandra, men den är även gällande för interna stridigheter i samma avseende att en stabil demokrati är fredligare. Således borde freden vara hållbar i Guatemala om det råder demokratisk fred vilket är fredsavtalets mål. Genom en kvalitativ studie prövar vi fredsavtalets mål mot tillståndet i dagens Guatemala och kommer fram till att om än demokrati existerar är den inte stabil..

This essay is aimed at exploring how governments inclination to adhere to international human rights law develops in the wake of interstate conflicts. It examines how human rights in Eritrea and Ethiopia has developed after the war in 1998-2000 by examining the historical background to the war, and reviewing country reports from United States State Department and Amnesty International between 2001-2005.The result of the paper shows that Eritrea's adherence to human rights suffered setbacks, and that some of these happened due to the aftermath of the war. Ethiopia also had some lesser setback primarily due to internal turmoil. The essay concludes that states adherence to human rights in postconflict situations depend on if the war severely weakened the state, in which case the state becomes more repressive in order to cling to power..

The Swedish early childhood system is considered among the best in the world, however, in spite of this, we feel that there exists a conflict between educators? and parents? expectations of ?a good preschool?. During our teacher education training we have observed many different preschools and almost in all of them we have listened to anecdotes about one or more conflicts arising between educators and parents and which we have been able to pinpoint toward differing expectations. After talking with a preschool director, who also perceives that expectations of the preschool aims sometimes differ, our idea brought us to conduct this investigation.In this study, we have investigated parents? expectations of preschool and compared them with educators? expectations.

Luftstridskrafter har spelat en betydande roll i senare tiders Peace Support Operations (PSO). Obemannade flygande system har varit en del av dessa insatser, hur kommer rollfördelningen att vara i framtiden? Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka och göra en bedömning avseende hur obemannade flygsystem kan utnyttjas och ha en roll i framtida Peace Suport Operations. Litteratur- och dokumentstudier, föreläsningar och intervjuer ligger som faktabakgrund för bedömningen av hur en framtida PSO kan se ut samt vilken roll obemannade flygsystem kan ha i en framtida Peace Suport Operation. Jämförelse har skett mellan bemannade och obemannade flygande system varvid fördelar och nackdelar har belysts.

År 2003 gick USA och dess allierade in i Irak med motiveringen att Irak hade massförstörelsevapen, detta utan att FN:s säkerhetsråd utfärdat ett mandat. Kriget kritiserades hårt av många länder, bland annat Frankrike, Tyskland och även Sverige.Den svenska lagen säger att vapenhandel inte får bedrivas om det strider mot svensk utrikespolitik men får bedrivas om det finns säkerhets- eller försvarspoli-tiska skäl till det. Trots att Sverige kritiserade kriget fortsatte vapenhandeln med USA under tiden det fortgick. År 2003 exporterade Sverige krigsmateriel till USA för ett värde av 0,62 miljarder kronor. Sett till Sveriges kritik mot kriget skulle handeln inte ha fortsatt, men då USA är bland de största importörerna av svenska vapen skulle det vara ett hårt slag mot försvarsindustrin att förlora en så stor handelspartner..

The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.