Never before have so many moved so frequently as now. Mobility lies at the centre for the concern ofstates, business and technological development. Some even claim that we are witnessing a mobility turn inthe social sciences. However, as the capacity to move has increased so too has the control and surveillanceof mobility become more extensive. Since September 11, 2001 security has been the defining paradigm fora variety for actors.

Today the Internet is used more and more as a transportation for information. Much of the information is confidential and should not be read by those not privileged. To protect the information from unauthorized access cryptography can be applied. The cryptography algorithms in use today all have their pros and cons. They are therefore suited for different applications.

Public WiFi networks is one of the dominant technologies for users to get public internet access. The problem is that the networks are designed for accessability rather than security ? a problem users seldom are aware of. Users who carelessly access WiFi networks may reveal sensitive information which, among other things, can lead to an identity theft. Previous research suggests that users must be educated and informed about the risks they incur, but not how this should be done.

The main purpose with the essay is to look into NATO and annalise how the organisation haschanged it´s security policy work process today 2015, seen from two different world eventsduring the period 1989-2015, the collapse of the Berlin wall and war in Afghanistan. Purposeand issuses also apply based on two theories Anarchymodel and World society model. In orderto highlight two different ways to see NATO:s security policy work process over time untilthe present day.Issues:? How did the fall of Berlin wall in 1989 change NATO:s security policy work process?? How did the war in Afghanistan in 2001 change NATO:s security policy work process?The essay is a qualitative method literature review describing NATO as an organisation andworld events that had impact on NATO over time.The result show that NATO has shifled it´s borders further fast because ?new? membercountries from the former Soviet Union are party members. NATO has moved closer toRussia, and increased in momentum.

The previous research in the field of new religious movements has mostly focused on the spectacular parts where phenomena such as ?brainwashing? and the ?charismatic leader? have attracted both media and the scientific studies of religion. Professor Liselotte Frisks has done several enquiries about sects and new religious movements in Sweden. One of her main conclusions is that the relation between these new religious movements and the rest of society has changed; a relation that used to be characterized by conflicts and tension is now becoming more open as both parts are changing.This study does not focus on the spectacular parts. Instead I have studied something more common and general.

The number of wireless networks has increased rapidly among both home users and companies in just a few years. That has brought a lot of good things with it, for example the possibility to connect wireless equipment to the network or Internet from an arbitrary position within range of the accesspoint. But since the transmissions take place through the air some new security risks appear. It?s difficult to restrict the signals to a specific space and thereby a lot easier for unauthorized to eavesdrop or disturb the signals compared to a traditional wired network.

The purpose of this study is twofold: First, to inquire how the George W. Bush administration plans to keep America safe from external threats and second ? based on the assumption that neoconservatives have influenced the Bush administration ? examine how neoconservative ideas have influenced this strategy to protect America. The research questions are as follows:What is the content of the Bush administration?s security strategy?How are neoconservative ideas reflected in this security strategy?To answer the first question, the main points of two studied documents were summarized.

In 1998 Sweden accepted the Treaty of Amsterdam which contained a development of the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) towards a European security and defense policy (ESDP). This thesis aims at studying the decision making process behind the Swedish foreign policy decision to further develop its security policy within the European Union. The purpose is to explain which factors and conditions that did affect and influence the Swedish foreign policy decision. The research applies foreign policy analysis, a theoretical perspective that analyzes both domestic and international conditions using different levels of analysis. The research methods being used has been qualitative as well as quantitative, complemented by interviews, since the research is a process tracing case study.The thesis conclusion is that the Swedish decision is explained by several factors.

This paper will expose the serious phenonomen Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS). Businesses without a good security policy are easy targets for attackers. We will cover why its hard to protect yourself, present previous attacks and ways for individuals and businesses to secure themselves. We have based our paper on previous cases and done intervjues with companies who specialize in dealing with these kind of threats. Then come up with guidelines wich will be helpful for businesses when they want to strengthen there security against Distributed Denial of Service-attacks..

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

This thesis examines the process of securitization of the environmental issue in the United States. By using the theories of sectoral security and securitization by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, commonly known as the Copenhagen school we go beyond the traditional security frames and examine where the environmental issue in the United States stand today within the securitization spectrum. The securitizing spectrum includes three levels in which an issue can be place: non-politicised, politicised and securitized.The problem, which we wish to address, is if there is a movement of the environmental issue in the United States towards becoming a securitized issue. In the light of these circumstances we also wish to explore who is behind the movement and also find out where the issue stand today. We do believe that Al Gore is a securitizing actor and examine his role in the movement of the environmental issueWe have come to the conclusion that there is an ongoing process of securitization in which the environmental issue have moved from being politicised to becoming securitized..

This thesis aims to explain the emergence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and its institutional shaping, by using elements of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism.Using Neofunctionalism, the Common Foreign and Security Policy can be explained both as a side-effect of Europe's economic integration, and as a way to maintain the former and the European Union's position as an economic superpower. The institutional shaping is a result of lack of convergence between important national interests. Therefore it rests on a firm intergovernmental base, with rigorously limited use of supranational decision-making.For Liberal Intergovernmentalism, geopolitics and ideology, and to a certain level log-rolling, have played important roles. The reunification of Germany convinced France to form an alliance between the two countries. France, determined to achieve an economic and monetary union, thus offered Germany a political union, including a Common Foreign and Security Policy on intergovernmental terms.

In todays high-technological society where the Internet plays a central role in our day-to-day life, many e-retailers are not able to attract customers to complete a transaction on their website. In order to succeed, many e-commerce sites must improve several safety aspects regarding online payment, in order to be perceived as a reliable and secured retailer. The purpose of this paper is to investigate if increment in various combinations and aspects in online payment will in fact improve the customer's perception of the e-retailer and result in completed transactions. In order to investigate this aspect, an experiment was conducted to be able to compare eight independent groups, that each had been exposed to a different security scenario on the online payment website of either a known or unknown retailer. Our results clearly prove that perceived security of the retailer's payment website increases willingness to purchase from the retailer.

The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden?s decision to engagein the Afghanistan conflict.The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that hasbeen used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan,Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science.The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, arealist and a constructivist point of view.The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives forSweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy andforeign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peacebuilding and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study.Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity..

The socialdemokrats? long possession of government power from the 1930?s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Folkpartiet´s view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy.