The European union started as an area of economic cooperation, but has developed into an area of cooperation in many legal fields. There are these days even cooperation when it comes to dealing with criminals. There is a new procedure called the European arrest warrant which goal is to make the extradition of criminals between the different member states in the European union more efficient. Sometimes when a state receives a European arrest warrant they have to extradite the person in question without doing any investigation of their own. The procedure is based on the principle of mutual recognition.

Alzheimer's disease is the most common form of dementia. The individual who fall ill can be in an age between 40-65 years old. When dementia affects individuals at this age, many relatives take their responsibility for taking care of them at home for a long time.The aim of this study was to illustrate emotions relatives experienced when a close family member's suffering from Alzheimer's disease. The study was intended to show relatives emotions, and therefor four self-biographies were chosen to read. The method used to analyze was a narrative literature review.

The purpose with this essay is to investigate Swedish political parties who have had or has a restrictive immigration policy containing opinions, that can be classified as xenophobic, and their history and development as a party. The focus in this essay is centred on the politicization that the parties Ny demokrati and Sverigedemokraterna have gone through and the mobilization they have reached. The material that will be handled in this matter are mainly the parties? political programs that have been published in various forms, but these will be supplemented with secondary sources in the form of previous research, reviews by journalists and other literature. The result have shown that the development from 1970 ? 1980´s to today considering these type of organizations is that they have changed in their appearance, in the matter of how they convey their message, and the actual appearance of the party members more than the message itself.

As the 2010 Swedish election was closing in, there was a discussion about how the media represented the different party leaders in a differential and unfair manner. This study aims to identify if there were any differences in how four of these party leaders, Lars Ohly, Maud Olofsson, Fredrik Reinfeldt and Mona Sahlin were treated in four individual questioning sessions on Swedish television. Utilizing conversation analysis the study focuses on identifying differences in the usage of interruptions between the four different sessions. The study also analyzes the aggressiveness of the journalists? questioning and how they designed their questions in the four different sessions.

On the internal market within the EU, freedom of establishment under articles 49 and54 TEU stipulates that companies have the right to set up businesses in other MemberStates. On the internal market there are 27 different national tax law systems whichhave caused obstacles regaring taxation between Member States. These obstacles havebeen shown deterrent when a company enters a new market. One problem area is thelack of cross-border loss compensation for groups. This means that cross-bordergroups is over taxed when they are unable to set of gains against losses.

The Swedish Prime Minister, Tage Erlander, made a speech on the 22 of August 1961 in which he dismissed speculation that Sweden was seeking to abandon its neutral stance and non-alignment in foreign policy with a view to requesting membership of the European Economic Community. The reason was that the EEC was supposed to have a political part where a connection with NATO should have existed. This speech led to a domestic discussion which has been called the most intense debate of foreign affairs in recent history. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the reactions of the other parliamentary parties to Erlander?s speech.

During the 90?s, several reforms took place in order to change the educational system. The reforms intended to increase the freedom of choice and to facilitate the start-up process for driving independent schools. A broad alliance of political parties from left to right supported these reforms. Twenty years later, the independent schools constitute a substantial part of schools in Sweden.

This essay examines two communist parties in Sweden; The Communist Party (Kommunistiska partiet [KP]) and Sweden's Communist party (Sveriges kommunistiska parti [SKP]). Furthermore, this essay is a comparative study where the two parties' political agendas are compared. The method with which the study was conducted is a quantitative content analysis, where the frequencies of usage pertaining to certain words and expressions have been measured. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx has also been compared to these two parties' political agendas concerning words and expressions. This was done in order to determine which of the examined parties stands closer to the aforementioned original document from an ideological perspective.

This thesis is based on a market survey sent to the passive members of Södra skogsägarna within the scope of practice of Vimmerby. A member of Södra skogsägarna is considered passive if the member not has delivered timber to the association during the past five years. The purpose of this thesis was to obtain as much information as possible about the forest owners, to be able to interpret why the member did not choose to deliver their timber to the association. The survey was worked out in close collaboration with Södra skogsägarna to answer this question. The responses indicate that economic returns are important to the individual landowner. The price of timber is most important in a timber business and the majority of forest owners want to have a personal meeting if you can choose how you wish to be contacted by the inspector.

The purpose of this paper is to understand how different fractions of Sweden?s left wing (the Social democrats, the Communists, the Syndicalists and the Socialist party) framed the end of the Spanish Civil War and the defeat of the republicans.To answer the purpose four newspapers Arbetaren (syndicalist), Folkets Dagblad (Socialist party), Ny Dag (communist) and Socialdemokraten (social democratic) have been analyzed qualitatively. The thesis has focused on how the different ideologies have framed the war, how they framed the other labour organizations and themselves plus how they relate to information about the war during the period of February 1st1939 till April 5th1939.The analysis shows that the Social democrats and the Communists framed the war as a conflict between fascism and socialism, whereas the Syndicalists and the Socialist party framed the war as a socialistic revolution. Because each side had their own view, their opinions on what threatened a republican victory differed. The Social democrats were most concerned that a non-democratic movement would win the war and the Communists feared that fragmentation within the republicans would threaten their chances to win.

In this research paper I have interpreted and analysed how it is possible for a Radical Right Populist Party such as FPÖ (The Freedom Party) to obtain electoral success in the end of the last millennium. In 1999 they were elected into the national legislative parliament with 26.9% of the votes and participated in the Shüssel government from February 2000. I believe this is an extreme case study and my method is the so called Disciplined-configurative case study. I?ve conducted this study by using earlier published research and than dividing these old theories into to three analytical categories.

This paper begins to observe two non-socialist parties in Sweden,Kristdemokraterna and Moderaterna, before and after they won an election. Thetwo parties formed an alliance with other parties and manifested a politicalprogram. The main focus lies on their campaign promises and their premierpolitical area as a single party before the election and what results that has beenproduced a year after. The method is a comparative analysis between the twocampaign programs and the result, parliamentary decision etc. The largest partyModeraterna has completed or started on their main political issue, butKristdemokraternas development has not been that successful.

The freedom of establishment is a fundamental right on the internal market which enables companies to take up and pursue activity in other member states, ?host states?, in a non discriminatory way. In situations where a company wishes to use the right to establish in a host state, complications will be discovered since the member states are applying different principles for deciding the nationality of a company. Since the Treaty of the Function of the European Union recognize both principles, and both of the legal areas company law and European international private law lack harmonization regarding companies wishing to perform such a transaction, the situation today brings the possibility that such a company could be covered by the legal system of several member states, or maybe no legal system at all.The Court of Justice of the European Union has through case law contributed to make the scope of the freedom of establishment a little bit clearer but there are still difficulties regarding situations when a company wishes to transfer its seat to another member state with a change of nationality. Today?s measures, for example the SE-company, is not enough to satisfy the companies wishing to transfer their seat to another member state.

National identity, multiculturalism and invisible norms are three conceptions focused on in this essay. They are discussed and analysed with the purpose of deepening deepen the understanding of their meaning. Further on they become instruments in a study of the Liberal Party's proposal for new politics of integration. My ambition is to distinguish signs of a Swedish national identity in this proposal and to interpret the party's relation to multiculturalism.The method of this essay comprises partly a literature study and partly a qualitative analysis of text.My discussion and analysis ended in an understanding of national identity and multiculturalism as complex and interrelated conceptions. I found parts of a Swedish national identity in the value of working, in the fear of the cultural unknown and of eventual anti Swedish culture, in the idea of Sweden as the best country in the world considering gender equality and in the strong defence for the Swedish language.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.