The appointing of Swedish governmental officials has gone through a dramatic change the last nine years. The tradition of officials appointed due to their political experience has been traded against the appointing of experts. In this study I ask questions about this new way of appointing representatives effects how these officials interpret their role. An official that who has never been in the party before appointed, obviously cannot consider the principal of party. With the theoretical approach of normative representation theory (representational style) I perform case studies that shows some change.

The purpose of the study was to learn how social structures can enable accessibility, by asking persons with visual impairment about their experiences of accessibility in the public environment in the city of Stockholm. Eleven adults with visual impairments, living in the city of Stockholm, were interviewed using two separate focus groups. The study was carried out with the objective to allow for the participants to be involved in the research process. The resulting data was analyzed on the basis of Nancy Fraser?s theory on social justice, focusing on the conceptions; needs, politicised needs, redistribution, recognition and misrecognition.

Denna kvalitativa intervjustudie genomfördes i samarbete med Scania Acadeamy. Studiens syfte är att utifrån ett Organizational Behavioral Management (OBM) perspektiv kartlägga hur individer i ledarskapsroller arbetar med beteende och motivation för egen räkning, med sina medarbetare samt gruppen som helhet. Denna kartläggning är aktuell då organisationen har introducerat en ny organisationsstruktur som kallas 5+1 modellen. Den har inneburit flera förändringar i hur man arbetar som ledare, exempelvis är ledaren mer närvarande och coachande än tidigare.OBM belyser beteendets roll i organisationen och studien definierar beteende utifrån ABC-modellen. Modellen visar att ett beteende triggas igång av en aktiverare och förstärks eller försvagas beroende på vilken konsekvens beteendet får.

Lack of political interest and will to deal with human rights violations carried out under the civil- military dictatorship, has characterized the transition and post-transition in Uruguay. The systematic use of torture, arbitrary imprisonments and forced disappearances in the relatively small country created a culture of fear that has been present through out the post-transition phase. Human rights groups have been central actors in the fight for truth and justice and against impunity. This study analyzes how these groups multiple democracy-building functions have contributed to democratic development. It also analyses how the democracy-building functions have been constrained by the political context.

In this essay I have studied the Swedish Working Class whose part of LO.Ideological texts in LO- Magazines is used to quote texts by collective orindividual terms. Method and theory material show high level of solidarity andequality while theory shows higher level of individualism and autonomy. Myresearch is closer to Boréus than Blocks. Politics taking under the 1980: s apowerful right turns holding a steady course through my material.The question in the essay is: What vision on the collective shows in theLO- Magazine in a time during individualization? Answer to this question is thatthe collective unofficially through LO: s: staff on central level tries to showstrength and unity with terms like solidarity and equality between the sexes.

This essay is about democracy and how a democracy index can be used as a tool to illustratethe gap between reality and ideal. The purpose of this study can be expressed by two researchquestions: Does the Economist Intelligence Unit's (EIU) democracy index illustrate thedistance between reality and the ideal of democracy presented by Dahl? and Can the EIU'sdemocracy index be modified by a) internal adjustments and b) using the variables includedin World Economic Forum?s (WEF) equality index?By using a combination of theories (Dahl?s theory of democracy, Rawls theory of justice andchosen theories critical to liberal democracy) as an analytical framework the following twoquestions have been answered:1) Which of the variables included in the EIU's democracy index have the potential to capturethe level of political equality?2) Which of the variables included in the WEF?s equality index have the potential to capturethe degree of political equality?By using a quantitative method the study?s third and last question has been answered:3) How strong is the rank correlation between the EIU?s democracy index and the WEF?sequality index, that is; how strong is the rank correlation coefficient (rho)?The data presented by the WEF?s equality index indicate that women are systematicallydiscriminated against as a group. From a democratic perspective the EIU may need tomeasure inequalities at a group level in order to capture the lack of political equality betweenindividuals. By reformulating some of the EIU?s variables, by revising the EIU?s point systemand by using the variables included in the WEF's equality index to extend EIU?s democracyindex, the chances of capturing the gap between reality and the ideal of democracy presentedby Dahl would likely increase..

AbstractThe purpose of this thesis has been to investigate if the Swedish legislation concerning taxation of dividends to foreign investment funds is in violation to EU law. Furthermore, the thesis will analyze if the Fondskatteutredningens suggestions to changes in the current legislation is appropriate to the purpose it tries to obtain.Today there is a difference in the taxation of dividends paid to Swedish investment funds and foreign investment funds. Dividends paid to foreign investment funds is being taxed in accordance with the Coupon Tax Act (1970:624), in which no deduction of the tax is possible. Swedish investment funds on the other hand have the possibility to deduct as much of the received dividends that they have given in dividends to its shareholders.The difference in the taxation between investment funds because of origin has been reviewed by both Swedish court and by the European Court of Justice. It has in these cases been up to the courts to review if a difference in taxation of dividends could constitute a violation of the free movement.

Bakgrund: Lärande betraktas idag vara av hög relevans när det gäller organisationers utveckling och konkurrenskraft på marknaden på grund av den snabbt föränderliga omgivningen. I en lärande organisation ses lärandet som ett medel för att skapa en förändringsbenägenhet inom organisationen, skapa innovation, anpassa sig efter omgivningen samt för att skapa konkurrensfördelar. Det finns ingen entydlig definition av organisatoriskt lärande och inte heller hur organisationer agerar eller bör agera för att uppnå detta.Syfte: Studien har ett tvådelat syfte: För det första syftar den till att undersöka konstruktionen av organisatoriskt lärande med avseende på såväl planerade som oplanerade aktiviteter. Detta för att se vad som karaktäriserar lärandet och hur aktiviteterna bidrar till att medarbetarna lär. För det andra syftar den till att lämna rekommendationer som bidrar till förbättringar av lärandet.Metod: För att besvara vårt syfte har en kvalitativ fallstudie utförts genom semistrukturerade intervjuer och observationer på äldreboendet Rosen.

The Court of Justice of the European Union has progressively revised the rule of purely internal situations to ensure a wider scope of application of the economic freedoms as well as the EU citizenship right to move and reside freely within the Union. This development, combined with the increasing importance of fundamental rights, has strengthened the family life protection of those EU citizens who come within the scope of EU law. The limit between the individuals who may benefit from a EU right to family reunification and fundamental rights protection and those who find themselves in purely internal situations has, however, become more legally uncertain. The disadvantage suffered by those who fall outside the scope of EU law is known as reverse discrimination.The 2011 case Zambrano confirmed the trend towards an increasingly generous EU law protection of family life in cases where the exercise of freedom of movement and enjoyment of EU citizenship rights is potentially restricted by a Member State measure. By contrast, in the subsequent McCarthy- case, it became clear that families in purely internal situations may only rely on national immigration and procedural law to obtain family reunification and protection of their fundamental rights.

Intern kontroll handlar om att ha verksamhetens riskområden under kontroll. Brister i intern kontroll kan leda till ett ineffektivt arbete och riskera att utsätta verksamheten och därmed dess aktieägare för risk. När Svensk Kod för Bolagsstyrning (Koden) infördes i juli 2005 var syftet delvis att ge börsnoterade bolag ett ramverk för hur de ska arbeta med och redovisa sitt arbete med dessa frågor som ett led i att åstadkomma god bolagsstyrning.Uppsatsen undersöker huruvida Koden har förändrat svenska börsnoterade bolags arbete med intern kontroll samt den betydelse förändringen, ur ett investeringsperspektiv, har för aktieägarna.Agentteorin utgör en grundläggande del av uppsatsens teoretiska ram genom att beskriva relationerna mellan och drivkrafterna bakom de studerade aktörerna, aktieägarna och styrelsen. En täckande schematisk modell av agentteorin saknas i befintlig akademisk litteratur. Uppsatsens författare har därför utformat en sådan modell, som presenteras och utgör stommen i uppsatsens analysmodell.Nio stycken intervjuer med revisorer och ansvariga för intern kontroll på svenska börsnoterade bolag genomfördes.

This essay is about democracy and how a democracy index can be used as a tool to illustratethe gap between reality and ideal. The purpose of this study can be expressed by two researchquestions: Does the Economist Intelligence Unit's (EIU) democracy index illustrate thedistance between reality and the ideal of democracy presented by Dahl? and Can the EIU'sdemocracy index be modified by a) internal adjustments and b) using the variables includedin World Economic Forum?s (WEF) equality index?By using a combination of theories (Dahl?s theory of democracy, Rawls theory of justice andchosen theories critical to liberal democracy) as an analytical framework the following twoquestions have been answered:1) Which of the variables included in the EIU's democracy index have the potential to capturethe level of political equality?2) Which of the variables included in the WEF?s equality index have the potential to capturethe degree of political equality?By using a quantitative method the study?s third and last question has been answered:3) How strong is the rank correlation between the EIU?s democracy index and the WEF?sequality index, that is; how strong is the rank correlation coefficient (rho)?The data presented by the WEF?s equality index indicate that women are systematicallydiscriminated against as a group. From a democratic perspective the EIU may need tomeasure inequalities at a group level in order to capture the lack of political equality betweenindividuals. By reformulating some of the EIU?s variables, by revising the EIU?s point systemand by using the variables included in the WEF's equality index to extend EIU?s democracyindex, the chances of capturing the gap between reality and the ideal of democracy presentedby Dahl would likely increase..

Abstract Author: Maria StåhlTitle:  Level: BA Thesis in Media- och kommunikationsvetenskapLocation: LinnaeusUniversityLanguage: SwedishNumber of pages: 51  This report is a critical discourse analysis of the attributes that surround the word basic income/medborgarlön in four Swedish daily newspapers. The study explores how the text in the newspapers attributes the word and what the consequences might be for the readers and for the political agenda when it comes to the discussion of justice and responsibility. The attributes that characterizes basic income in the media are mostly negative and there is no discussion where work strategy and basic income is seriously spoken of. Work strategy is taken for granted and is not questioned by anyone. The alternative that basic income could be is being ridiculed which becomes clear by the attributes that are chosen. The figuration of basic income in these media is characterised mostly by negative and depreciatory attributes.

Uppsatsen analyserar samråds- och dialogprocesserna vid planeringen av Väsjöområdet i Sollentuna kommun ur ett miljörättviseperspektiv, för att utreda hur dessa processer kan förbättras i att inkludera underrepresenterade grupper. Uppsatsen utreder även vilken syn på natur och miljö som förmedlas vid dessa processer och vad det får för påverkan på vem som ska involveras. Studien har utförts i form av en fallstudie där informanter från Sollentuna kommun intervjuats och dokument rörande exploateringen av Väsjöområdet studerats. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk består av miljörättvisa och medborgardeltagande. Den geografiska avgränsningen för uppsatsen utgår från de upprättade detaljplaneområdena gällande Väsjöområdet och tiden mellan juni 2006 och våren 2014.

The Swedish society has trough decades developed into a multicultural society. Minority groups such as Sami have been a part of the country for a long time. By being separated from the majority through culture, language etc. minorities demand the right to become independent and have the ability to practice their culture. History show that minorities all over the world have been discriminated and abused by the majorities. Democratic procedures are often advantages for the majority.

In recent years the concern about the future of the European Union and itssupposed lack of democracy, efficiency and legitimacy has increased. Thisconcern has resulted in extensive debates and the establishment of a conventionwith the task to create a draft treaty for a European Constitution.The aim of this essay is to study how the three theoretical concepts,democracy, efficiency and legitimacy, have been described and used in the debateabout the future of the European Union. My main interest is to see how theseconcepts are described in a debate regarding a political system that goes beyondthe borders of the nation-state. I have made a comparative textual analysis of thedebates taken place in Sweden and Spain during a period of over two years. Ihave, for instance, found out that openness and clearness have a prominentposition as democratic values together with equality and justice (in Spain) and theinstitution of accountability (in Sweden).