This thesis intends to analyse conditions for a successful implementation of consociational democracy, as a democratic model in Afghanistan. The lack of critical reviews regarding the democratisation-process in Afghanistan initiated the purpose of this study.Lijpharts democracy model was used as the basis in the comparative study. Along with empirical evidence regarding how the complex process of democracy in Afghanistan is progressing, the study investigated whether the identified conditions occurred or not.The choice of which democracy model to use can be crucial for the democratic possibilities to even survive and become established in conflict-affected communities. The principle of consociational democracy is that it is an empirically based normative model that aims to organise the state in a way that works against the risks of majority domination and Oppression against the minority.The empirical case study revealed that a majority of the conditions were not met, which then can counteract the possibilities for consociational democracy in Afghanistan. The study has critically examined the prospects for the success of consociational democracy in Afghanistan, and it can be assessed that there is a limited probability for a successful applying of this model..

Our essay is about children's exercise of power, Oppression or domination in games or when playing on school grounds with one and other. We thought it would be interesting to look into how children in preschool and up to the fifth grade use power acts respective power plays in leisure-time. During four days we visited two different after-school center and carried out observations of children during the school day and later inside the recreation centers during leisure activities. In order to analyze our empirical material in relation to power, we have used Magnus Hörnqvist (2012) interpretation of Michel Foucault's theory of power - Another Foucault. We have also used Åsa Bartholdsson (2008) thesis about The regular exercise of power regime ? about normality and power in school.

The purpose of this study is to examine how two Muslim feminists perceive themselves to betreated by the Swedish majority society and within the secular feminist movement. Thesurvey was conducted using qualitative method with a total of two interviews. For the study'stheoretical perspectives, I have used postcolonialism and postcolonial feminism. The result ofthe survey and the analysis show that the informants say that they face an image of Muslimwomen as considered being under Oppression. The informants believe that this stereotypicalimage has its origin from the colonial period.

At the Congress of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) in 1991 a decision was made to reform LOs politics of gender. In the new resolution class and gender were established as equal causes of Oppression. This was a giant leap from LOs traditional politics, where the dimension of class had always been considered more important than gender. The present thesis discusses how gender was constructed in LOs discourse after 1990 by analysing their official publications about gender politics called Klass och kön. The key terms in the analysis are continuity and change.

After the honor killings of Fadime and Pela, an extensively discussion started in the media, debating honor-related violence and Oppression. This debate also made us, the authours of this paper, to pay attention to the problem. As a professional in social work, there are several good points to be made by having an in-depth knowledge in the field, both to discover individuals exposed to honor-related violence and to be able to protect them. The study was conducted by four qualitative interviews with professionals in social work with a professional experience of honor-related problems. Through the interviews, the social worker's view of honor problems emerged.

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative study between France and Sweden analyzing the veil debate that took place in 2003 and 2004. This debate has been one of the central features of the renewed conflict between the West and Islam post 9/11, and has the presumed Oppression of the Muslim veil in focus. With help of critical theory and a differentiated citizenship theory, including gender and post-colonial perspectives, I analyse the veil in a Western context in the arguments presented and the actions taken. Through that I try to distinguish the potential problems posed for the Muslim minorities living in the two countries.Three main areas are covered: the different political actions in the two countries, the consequences for this sidestep in liberal citizenship theory and in what way the view on equality splits the two parties. I conclude: that the French secularism and the Swedish equality have played key roles; the ideal of liberal citizenship is being abandoned for a more partial state; and the view of the veil as simply oppressive is part of a colonial heritage that can be challenged..

This study examined by content analysis and semiotic picture analysis how gender equal the UK newspaper The Times, the U.S/Iranian nespaper Iran Times International and Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet were May 1st 2009 and May 8th 2009. The study had a foundation of feminist theory about patriarchy and gender theory with a contribution of research about race and its impact on patriarchy.None of the three papers were fully gender equal. Even though Svenska Dagbladet was found to be the most gender equal when it came to the number of women represented all of the newspapers examined showed patriachal structures since women more often than men were described as victimes, trivialized, incompetent and inferior.  People with a race other than white were in minority but patriarchy seems to be a stronger form of Oppression than racism. White men were in majority and were less opressed than other groups and were because of that most in favour of the newspapers symbolic powers..

The honour norm is strong within the Middle East but is scattered all over the world. As a result of immigration, the honorary context has become more established in Sweden. Violence, committed in the name of honour, is commonly executed by male family members. Thus, young men are forced, in some degree, to participate in the Oppression and control of their sisters. Violence exercised in the name of honour, can be traced back to the patriarchal family system in which woman are subordinate to men.

"Race" is often used as a marker to exclude people from a society. What is interesting is not so much what terms that are used to describe people, but by what meaning they are associated with. For this thesis articles published in daily magazines have been the material used. An argument driven in the essay is that identity and Oppression is not constituted from one subject position, but from several, such as class, sexuality and gender. The first question posed is how "race" is constituted through discourses throughout the subject positions class, sexuality and gender.

This is a qualitative study based on interviews with teachers, social workers and school counselors ? with aim to analyze how norm critical social work is in schools. Gender and sexuality norms are in focus which is analyzed in a intersectional and queer theoretical perspective. The study shows that what is defined as a norm in the society varies both socially, historically and culturally. School is a reflection of its society and therefore also reflects its norms, such as heteronormativity and gender roles.

The purpose of this essay has been to study the different discourses that are expressed in social welfare secretaries? assertions when they assess cases with elements of honour-related violence, intimidation and Oppression. To do so I have used a discourse analysis theory and technique, based on three qualitative interviews with social welfare secretaries. The interviews were focused on vignettes, which were all fictitious cases with various elements of honour-related violence. One of the interviews was a focus groupinterview with four participants, while the other two interviews were individual.

Women all over the world have been victims for Oppression during a long period of time. One main thing they were excluded from was the possibility to educate themselves. Fortunately, the situation is different today and studies shows that there are more women applying for higher-education than men, at least in Sweden. What motivates them is unknown, but according to the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, it is always something in one?s social environment.The aim of this thesis was to examine how five female students have been motivated to apply for university and college educations, despite the fact that they are from non-academic families.

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative study between the photography?s of Leila Khaled and Shirin Neshat in order to observe if the woman are able to recede from an conventional formation to become the bearer of the veil and not only reduced to that whichneeds to be concealed. From a feministic perspective I have observed how the symbolic of the veil moulds the woman and how the woman in her context moulds the veil.In the description of the news photography of Khaled and the art photography produced by Neshat the mechanisms that lies as a foundation for the modelling of the portraits becomesthe essays primary entrance. Mechanisms that evolve around the creation of the woman as aconcept, a subject shaped for being looked at and the woman?s self-image through others.The textual discourse is visually enhanced through a comparative picture material visually enhanced and explained through photographs by the contemporary artist photographers Cindy Sherman, Catherine Opie, Laurie Simmons, Robert Mapplethorpe and Elin Berge.

When gender-related refugee claims was ratified in the Swedish asylum law the 31 of March this year (2006) it opened the door for women with this specific refugee status to receive asylum in Sweden. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate how these specific female refugees are represented and described in the asylum process. The focus has been the construction of identity concerning these women in the Officials discourse at the Immigration department. The theoretical framework has been a critical discourse analysis regarding the exercise of power and dominance connected to the construction of identity.An understanding of the women with gender-related refugee claims as the Others has been perceived through the Officials discourse. Female refugees which have been exposed to persecution that occur in our part of the world (rape, wife abuse, etc.) are treated differently and much more restrictive, compared to women exposed to so called culture specific Oppression (e.g.

In this essay I examine how the norm-critical material ?BRYT! ett metodmaterial om normer i allmänhet och heteronormen i synnerhet? is used by Hyresgästföreningen in Stockholm in their education of personnel in the perspective of equalisation. I?ve mostly been interested in how the personnel who takes part in workshops about the material react and reflect in relation to the purpose of the material. How do they discuss about norms and the connection to discrimination and how do they look upon the power and responsibility that comes with power in relation to norms?  Earlier research in norm critical pedagogy and the critic of tolerans pedagogy perspective helps me to analyse how critical pedagogy stands above non-critical pedagogy in many perspectives.By observing workshops and by interviewing personnels taking part in these workshops I?ve examined how they react on both the practical and theoretical parts of the material.To summarise my examination I find the personnel who is educated in working with the material discover new experiences in knowledge and on how norms and discrimination functions.