The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism.

Today, many regard the Democratic and the Republican Party in the US to be significantly different than prior with regard to changed rhetoric and changed political world. This reason alone is enough to make an interesting research question how democratic and republican presidents view ?economic freedom? based on Robert Nozick, John Rawls and Isaiah Berlins perception of economic freedom. The research question therefore relies on how present presidents view economic freedom compared to how past presidents view economic freedom with Nozick, Rawls and Berlin as emphasizers within the theory. This is performed with the use of by Marie Demker?s coined the is-should-do-scheme, being an analytical tool providing from the empirical material the first State of the Union speech by the selected president where the presidents view on reality (is), uthopia (should) and strategy (do) is presented.

After Sweden became a member of the European Union, EU, the debate regarding the Swedish participation in the EU?s currency co-operation, the European Monetary Union, EMU, has been intense. One of the biggest issues has been how our national economic politics will work within such a monetary union. What instrument will remain for the national economic politics within the EMU are highly uncertain. The question whether we will be able to affect our own economy or not has long been the essence in the Swedish debate.

The purpose of this study is to examine political crimes in and women?s political activity in 18th century Sweden. The cases of political crimes which has been used range from 1700- 1789 and they form an outline of the patterns of political crime in this century. These cases contain different types of political crimes, but most common ar defamation of the royal family, defamatory writings, rumor-spreading and treason. To study women?s political activity, seven cases ranging from 1749 to 1758 have been more closely studied.

The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King CarlXVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000?s. More exactly I?ve got two question formulations:Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000?s and are thesestatements, in line with the king?s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversialaccording to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find anyboundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself inthe role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000?s. My procedure is to read theChristmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000?s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVIGustaf to seek answers to the research questions.

The purpose of this essay was to overview the conflicts regarding the exhibition space (Kunsthalle) Tensta Konsthall during 2003 and 2004, in order to gain an understanding of the following: why the conflict started, if anyone exceeded their authority, how the case has been reviewed in the press, what kind of value judgements lay behind the actions and why this case has received so much attention. By studying mainly press material and political documents it has been made clear that Tensta Konsthall?s location in an ill reputed suburb of Stockholm has been the cause for its exposure to different demands and expectations compared to other similar exhibition spaces. Further the essay deals with questions raised by the conflict in the intersection of culture and politics..

Several previous studies have in different ways tried to explain how new social movements are affected by the different sets of political and social contexts within different states and societies. This essay asks the question how much the institutional aspects within the theory of Political Opportunity Structures (POS) have determined how the rather successful animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain have mobilized and acted to gain progress. Since the Netherlands and Great Britain contains different kinds of political and institutional contexts, these two states are found to be suitable for a comparative analysis of the theory's durability. A qualitative portrayal of both state's institutional political opportunity structures are presented. Then the mobilization, progress, and actions of the political party ?Party for the Animals? in the Netherlands, and a wide group of animal rights organisations in Great Britain are determined.

AbstractThe recruiting of lay judges to the district courts is managed by the political parties. Despite repeated efforts the parties do not succeed in recruiting lay judges that reflect the structure of the inhabitants. Why not? This is the fundamental issue of this essay.This study is a multiple case study of two parties with different success in their recruiting work. The purpose is to study the process of nomination regarding lay judges at the district courts, at the latest election (2006).

In this Bachelor thesis I am going to look at attitudes towards political violence in a small town in Sweden in the 1920s. The town I have picked for this study is Kalmar situated on the east coast of Sweden. This study is a micro historic case study. The specific case is a strike at the city?s water and gas plants for higher salary.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the properties of the municipalities in Sweden that influence the choice of being a certified Fairtrade city. The independent variables which are used in the statistical analysis are municipal governance, local tax rate, whether there is an university and/or university college in the municipality, average income and higher education in the municipality. The variables are examined by logistic regression. Since there are no statistical data on ethical procurement, this exogenous variable isn?t included in the regression.

Denna studie jämför euroskepticismen inom två europeiska partier, Socialdemokraterna iSverige och The Conservative and the Unionist Party i Storbritannien, i syfte att bidra tillsvaret på följande frågor: vilka faktorer är drivande i frågan om ett europeiskt storpartiseuroskepticism och vilka likheter respektive skillnader kan identifieras inom dylika partierseuroskepticism? Den teoretiska utgångspunkten är Paul Taggart och Aleks Szczerbiaksförklaringsmodell i vilken partibaserad euroskepticism definieras genom dess orsaker. Studienvisar vilka av dessa orsaker är giltiga för respektive parti och möjliggör att resultaten kanöversättas till europeiska partier i allmänhet. Studien använder sig även av klyvningsteorinoch exceptionalism begreppet som kompletterande. Materialet till studien utgörshuvudsakligen av litteratur som beskriver respektive partis euroskepticism samt de svenskaoch brittiska kontexterna som omringar dem..

This essay studies the practice of both the political and the administrative leadership at the municipal level from the point of view of the politicians and the chief officers leadership role, and the relationship between politicians and administrators. I discuss and analyse how politicians and senior officials practice leadership, differences or similarities and if their practice of leadership raises any challenges in a democratic framework at the municipal level. I conducted interviews with the municipal political leader and the head of administration at the municipal level in Karlshamn and Sölvesborg. In the analysis I discuss communication as a leadership process which highlights ?enabling elements? and potentials of the leadership process.

This master?s thesis attends to a debate in the Swedish daily press concerning the public library which arose after the Swedish Moderate Party?s publication of their cultural political document Kulturen 2.0. This document contains a number of standpoints, of which three directly concern the public library: charges on book loans, libraries on contract and politically balanced purchase policy. In all, 28 articles are examined by means of an idea and ideological analysis. The purpose is to find out what is behind the conflicts surrounding attitudes about the public library's mission and activity in an era of needs for change.

The 17th October 2014 the Swedish Armed Forces (SwAF) introduced an intelligence operation in Stockholm archipelago after receiving credible observations regarding illegal underwater activities. Following the data collection and associated analysis it could be stated with certainty that a foreign submarine had violated the Swedish territorial waters. Media depend on SwAF to provide them with accurate information due to the confidentiality in these matters and the general area of investigation is therefore how the actions of the Swedish Armed Forces, in the submarine incident 2014, were portrayed in the Swedish media. Newspapers and blogs of defense policy represent the media and the thesis is based on the theories constructed by Graham Allison, the rational actor, organizational behavior and governmental politics. Furthermore, it is relevant to examine if there are any similarities or differences in how the submarine incident is illustrated, and what may be the reason for any possible occurrences.

This essay examines the environmental ideological direction of the Swedish parliamentary parties through the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture during the governmental time from 2002 to 2006.The environmental ideologies explained is anthropocentrism, ecocentrism and biocentrism. Based on the ideas of these three ideologies main points the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture, also matching the search words environment and energy, was compared and analysed.What has emerged is that all parliamentary parties express a desire to create an energy production and producing guide lines which are stringent environmentally and matches the safety requirements. Although the approach to environmental and safety standards differ significantly between them. Basically all Swedish parliamentary parties are more or less anthropocentric in its arguments, which in short terms means that they estimate natures and animals value through their usability for humans or based on their contribution to human feelings of wellbeing.The Centre Party and the Green Party shows hints of weak ecocentrism because in many cases they put animal intrinsic value high, but the human value higher. Moderates are predominantly anthropocentric but they also express some hint of biocentrism in one statement concerning research in order to reduce and rebuild environmentally destroyed areas.