This essay aims to report on the process of our documentation of art objects in the care of Smålands nation in Uppsala as a part of our education in museology and cultural heritage studies. The nation has a long history and our documentation shows many valuable objects reflecting this. The care of these objects is substandard and in great need of change. Our work process has involved photography and research about each object, the information has then been registered in our catalogue. The documentation has, besides the catalogue, generated a plan for future management and storage of the collection.

Purpose/Aim: To describe likenesses and differences between the personal identity of the common Kalmar nation member and the collective identity of the organization Kalmar nation as described by said members.Material/Method: Collecting data through a quantitative survey, where the members answer questions about themselves and Kalmar nation, and subsequent analysis of said data by means of theories about personal, collective, and brand identity.Main results: After analyzing the data from the survey I conclude that there exists both likenesses and differences between the organization and its members. Some likenesses are more pronounced than others, and the same can be said for the differences. However, within the three areas of study (specific identity traits, politics and music) politics and music showed more similarity between the members and the nation than the specific identity traits did. The most interesting aspect of the analysis show that the members have quite a common view of the organization despite their own widely different descriptions of themselves..

Syftet med denna uppsats är främst att försöka ge en nyanserad bild av förekomsten av antisemitism i Nation of Islam men även att försöka ge möjliga förklaringar till varför den uppstått. Utgångspunkten är att försöka förstå situationen snarare än att enbart fördöma den, men jag vill poängtera att det naturligtvis inte är likgiltigt med acceptans.Uppsatsen koncentrerar sig på följande frågeställningar:Hur understödjer/legitimerar man antisemitiska uttalanden?Vilken utveckling följer de genom organisationens utveckling?I vilket sammanhang förekommer de och till vilket ursprung kan man härleda dem?.

AbstractSince democracy was developed in the ancient Greece it has come to be used within a small city state, within the national state and as today used within a bigger perspective. After the end of the second world war political leaders wanted to make sure that there would never be a war between European countries again. Now, about 60 years later this type of cooperation now involves 27 of the European countries and goes under the name of the Euroapean Union. This means that democracy is no longer used just within the Nation state, but within a big organisation that is responsible for almost 500 million Europeans lives. This also means that the European Union need to make some institutional reforms to be able to handle all the future challenges.

 Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson?The Treaty of Lisbon ? The Defence against Globalization??In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules.The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization.My question for this was as follows:Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories?During my research the following criteria?s for a social contract was found:1.

Liberal theorists typically argue that state action should not favor any particular conception of the good or meaningful life. On this view the defining characteristic of the liberal state is neutrality among rivaling ideas of the good. This thesis argues that state neutrality is impossible to maintain in practice. Two different versions of state neutrality; neutral justification and neutral aims, are used to analyze a wide range of political issues. It is concluded that far from being neutral, the liberal state favors individualistic and market oriented conceptions of the good life.

What role does the state play in economic development? This thesis seeks to investigate the relationship between a strong state and economic development. To define the concept of a strong state I focus on the relationship between the scope of state functions and the efficiency of which these functions are implemented. The concept of a strong state is in this thesis defined as the efficiency of the state functions. By using a database constructed by three economists; David Kaufman, Aart Kraay and Massimo Mastruzzi as a measurement of a strong state I test the relationship with economic development empirically.

The aim of this paper is to expand the debate on globalization and its consequences from a theoretical perspective emphasizing social processes of exclusion and inclusion. I explore these social processes in dialogue with the Spanish social movement for the rights of irregular immigrants. The paper also aims to explore new forms of resistance in the context of globalization."The declinist thesis" argues that globalization has lead to a declining importance of the nation-state and the national citizenship as guarantees of rights. "The anti-declinist thesis" oppose to this picture arguing that rights still depend on national policies. I also discuss the functions of exclusion and inclusion inherited in the concepts of citizenship and nation-state.I outline the historical and political context of the movement and explore the ideas and organizational dimensions of the movement's "knowledge praxis".I conclude that national citizenship - in a broader sense as a description of the relationship between the individual and the state - seems to play a crucial role in the life situation and the possibilities of irregular migrants to organize and protest.

Nation branding innebär att profilera och varumärka ett land. Här ingår att kommunicera immateriella värden såsom det upplevelsebaserade, och att visa på det unika med landet. Globaliseringen har skapat förändringar som gör att Sverige inte längre klarar sig på att vara välkända enbart i Europa. Ökad handel med områden där Sverige är relativt okänt betyder att Sverige måste kommunicera sitt varumärke på ett nytt sätt. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur kommunikationen för profileringen av Sveriges nation branding ser ut, med fokus på webben som kanal.

Denna uppsats är en kritisk diskursanalys av Sverigedemokraterna, ett uttalatnationalistiskt och invandringskritiskt parti. Syftet med vår studie är att granskaSverigedemokraternas nationalistiska budskap utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv.Fokus ligger på ett samspel mellan genus, sexualitet och nation. Studiens materialbestår av politiska program och artiklar från partitidningen Sd-kuriren. Understeget in på den politiska arenan, har Sverigedemokraterna kommit att använda enallt mer ?rumsren? retorik.

When Vladimir Putin in the year 2000 came to power in Russia many believed that the Russian civil society were weak and had very little influence and with Putin people say that the situation have deteriorated. The purpose of this paper is to establish what kind of relationship exists between the Russian state and the civil society and to analyze this from a top-down perspective. We are looking at Russia during Putins first term in office from the year 2000 until 2004. In order to establish the relationship we have used John S. Dryzeks theory of inclusive and exclusive state and whether it?s active or passive in this process.

The three post-communist states - Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine ? have gone different ways in terms of freedom and democracy since the breakdown of the Soviet Union 1991. During these years, the state and the civil society have been fundamental actors in the struggle against, and even for, authoritarianism.A strong state with great capacity in Belarus has undermined the chances for the civil society to fulfil its task as a watchdog of the state and link between the citizens and the government.Failed authoritarianism in Moldova has led to a situation where both the state and the civil society are weak. The major problem is lack of organization and cohesion; both the state and the civil society have often been divided by ethnical differences and are therefore not strong enough to promote democracy.In Ukraine, the dominance of a strong state ended in 2004 when the Orange Revolution took place, sometimes called a ?peak of democracy? where popular mobilization and protests succeeded in it's opposition against the state.

This paper attempts to survey the debate in the Swedish parliament on state surveillance on the Internet, from 1994 to March, 2007. With a discourse analysis inspired by Foucault, we follow how the idea of state surveillance is viewed by politicians during the period. By focusing on the Internet, we expect to find how politicians in the parliament regard the idea of an unregulated forum for citizen communication and interaction, and how the need for state surveillance on the new arena that is Internet, is expressed and argued for. Theoretical framework is given by Foucault?s theory of the Panoptic state, as well as his thoughts on discourse, power and governmentality.

The liberal state, it has been argued, must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. Embodying ideals such as fairness and impartiality, state neutrality is intuitively appealing, but working as a restraint for state actions it is somewhat unsatisfactory. People make mistakes about their lives and people live less valuable lives than they could do. To then restrain the state from doing as much good as it can seems just as unappealing as neutrality at first seemed appealing. In this paper, a possible solution to this dilemma is presented.

I den här uppsatsen undersöks vilka nationella värden som tillskrevs naturlandskapet vildmarken i Svenska Turistföreningens årsskrift från 1900-1910. Uppsatsens syfte är att synliggöra hur representationen av landskapet i årsskriften förändrades i samband med en förändring av den nationalistiska diskursen. Undersökningen genomförs med diskursanalytiska metoder, och utifrån perspektivet nation. Vildmarken tillskrivs värden som ?skön?, ?poetisk?, ?vild?, ?öde?, ?orörd? och ?gammal?. Undersökningen visar att vildmarken värderas utifrån dess motsats, nämligen människor, kultur, civilisation och bebyggelse, samtidigt som den beskrivs bli allt mer publik och attraktiv för en större mängd människor.