Upphovsrätten, som den tillämpas idag, tillkom 1960. Den 1 juli 2005 skärptes den dock i enlighet med EU-direktivet 2001/29/EG. Detta fick till följd att den utbredda nedladdningen av upphovsrättsskyddad musik via olika så kallade fildelningsprogram på Internet kom att bli kriminaliserad. Statistik från SCB visar att mer än en miljon svenskar, varav den största andelen återfinns i åldersintervallet 16-34 år, ägnar sig åt att ladda ner musik via Internet. Vid omröstningen i riksdagen den 25 maj 2005 så stöddes genomdrivandet av direktivet av samtliga riksdagspartier förutom miljöpartiet och centerpartiet.

The aim of this thesis is to discover facts about the Sweden democrats by looking at statistics of five different municipalities. The main question at issue is: What can you say about the Sweden democrat's voters by researching the voter statistics of the voter districts in the municipalities. The five municipalities who are the object of the study are, Helsingborg, Hässleholm, Landskrona, Svedala and Trelleborg.The Method for this thesis is a case study of five municipalities in Skåne. I have been researching the voterstatistics in the local voterdistricts of 2002 and 2006. I have compared The Sweden democrats with the Social democrats, the conservative party (Moderaterna), and the liberal party (Folkpartiet Liberalerna).The theories that this thesis is based on are voterbehaviour and rightwing-party theories.The Results are that one can not see any signs of the Sweden democrat's success being a result of a far-reaching right wave.

This paper is about if municipal council's ideology affect steering in the municipalities of Vellinge and Fagertsa. Vellinge has for a long time been governed by Sweden's conservative party Moderaterna. Fagersta has for a long time been governed by Sweden's left party Vänsterpartiet. The main question of the paper to be answered is as follows:Is there a relation between the steering in municipalities and the ideology of the governing parties?The hypothesis is that there is a connection between what ideology the party that governs has and how the municipalities are being governed.

Every human being has the right to the highest attainable standard of health. This is regulated by the UN in the Declaration of Human Rights. However, Swedish legislation discriminate the group of irregular immigrants, regarding the right to health care. Therefore, Paul Hunt, the UN's special rapporteur on the right to health, draws serious critique on Sweden which has caused extensive debate regarding the matter, both in the civil and political sphere of society.Thus, the aim of this essay is through an analysis of the political debate; make visible the norms of citizenship which are dominating the argumentation of the seven parties represented in the Swedish Parliament. An analytical framework, consisting of three dimensions, is therefore used in order to interpret the material which is relevant for the debate.The conclusion is that Moderaterna and Centerpartiet mainly base their arguments on communitarian values, while Kristdemokraterna and Folkpartiet rather show influences of liberal ideas.

The purpose of this essay is to find out if Alliansen has lost their Bourgeoisie collective identity. The comprehensive questions of this essay are:Does liberalism or conservatism dominate the manifesto of Alliansen from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018?Have Alliansen changed their ideological views to the centre of the political spectrum in their manifesto from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018? The method used in this essay is a qualitative dimensional study. The results of the essay show that conservatism dominates both manifestos of Alliansen and show that the ideological view of Alliansen has not changed. Alliansens view of human beings in their manifesto from 2006-2010 is pessimistic and so is Alliansens manifesto from 2014-2018 and therefore closer to the conservative ideology than the ideology of liberalism.

The Swedish Moderate party has openly referred to themselves as a liberal-conservative party. This definition, however, leads to a possible ambiguity where the extent to which the party is conservative, and liberal is up for debate. Furthermore, this might allow for extensive changes within the party, while still using the same ideological mantra. This study employs a longitudinal ideological analysis of five official party documents published between 1984 and 2022 to analyse how the party has drifted between the two ideologies over the years. The analysis is done using three political areas: immigration, economy, and safety.

The Swedish alcohol policy has by tradition a restrictive composition, with high taxes and the Swedish Alcohol Retailing Monopoly as important elements. The Moderate Party has been powerful critics of the alcohol policy and has advocated a reformation. However, today the Moderate Party seems to have changed the attitude towards the alcohol policy and it even supports the Swedish initiative to create cooperation about alcohol matters at the EU level.This thesis examines why the Moderate Party has changed its attitude towards the restrictive alcohol policy. Three aspects have been considered: the rise of a European public policy, strategic choice, and the influence of the political environment. The paper discusses the problem from a strategic perspective, which means that the political change is viewed as a result of strategic considerations.The party has indeed been affected by all of the three aspects, although to different extent.

I dagens informationssamhälle är Internet och användande av hemsidor för att sprida information vanligt förekommande. Den senaste tiden har politikens fokus riktats mot en mer deliberativ inställning, detta på bekostnad av den traditionella konkurrensdemokratin. Detta är en komparativ analys med syfte att kartlägga svenska och amerikanska partiers hemsidor utifrån demokratiteoriaspekten. Metoden som används är kvalitativ innehållsanalys, där författarna utgår från två konstruerade idealtyper, baserade på deliberativ- och elitdemokratiteori. Partierna vars hemsidor analyseras är Demokraterna, Republikanerna, Moderaterna och Socialdemokraterna.

The Swedish Moderate party, often also called the Conservative party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate party?s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate party?s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013.

This study explores the notion of class and social inequality as expressed in the Swedish election campaign of 2006 and in the reception of the Swedish conservative party as a "worker's party". Inspired by Fairclough's critical discourse analysis I have carried through an investigation of the debate. My sources consists in a collection of articles, mainly leader columns and contributions to the debate, from a selected number of Swedish newspapers.I found that an explicit discussion about class, or use of the concept as such, was largely absent. In cases where the concept occurred it was often used in a purely descriptive sense or dismissed as outdated. Furthermore, I have drawn the conclusion that the traditional understanding of class is being challenged by a discourse which aims at establishing a new understanding of social inequality as lack of paid work.I take my point of departure in the belief that class continues to be one of the most important bases of social inequality.

In the Swedish general election of 2006, the citizens were faced with the fact that there were two parties that called themselves a ?workers´ party?. It was not just the Social-Democratic Party, which we usually identify as a traditional workers´ party, it was also the Moderate Coalition Party, which we usually identify as a traditional conservative party, which during this suffrage also called them self the ?new moderates?. The central and the main election pledge for the new moderates took its standpoint in the idea that everybody should have a job.

Svensk polis blir starkt kritiserade och uppmärksammade i media för incidenter där vapen är inblandade. Vi har läst flertalet artiklar där polisens bristfälliga vapenhantering och resultat vid kompetensprov kritiserats. Vänsterpartiet och Moderaterna har lämnat motioner till Riksdagen, med förslag om åtgärder för att försöka förbättra situationen. Dessa fick dock avslag. I samband med att tjänstevapnet Walther togs i bruk, infördes ett kompetensprov som sedan dess har utvecklats för att passa det nuvarande vapnet Sig Sauer.

This essay is an evaluation of the act of establishment (2010:197). The act is about different operators' responsibility and accountability for new arrivals to get a more effective integration into society and to speed up the new arrivals' establishment on the labor market. The purpose of this act is to get more new arrivals involved in the Swedish labor market directly. By doing so, it gives these people a possibility to become self-sufficient. This study has focus in four different operators; Employment service, Immigration service and two local politicians from Social democrats (Socialdemokraterna) and Conservatives (Moderaterna).

This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty.  Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now.

Titel Skräckvisioner och demokratiska kampanjideal ? professionalisering bland partierna i GöteborgFörfattare Sofia Johansson och Daniel SwedinKurs Examensarbete i Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap,Institutionen för journalistik och masskommunikation vidGöteborgs UniversitetTermin Vårterminen 2008Handledare Bengt JohanssonSidantal 49 + bilagaSyfte Syftet är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning partierna i Göteborg vidvalet 2006 bedrev kommunala valkampanjer som kan karaktäriseras som professionaliserade.Metod Kvalitativ metod. Informantintervjuer med partiföreträdare för de etablerade politiska partierna i Göteborg.Material 7 intervjuer med politiska företrädare:Gunnel Aho, ModeraternaJöran Fagerlund, vänsterpartietFranziska Gustafsson, centerpartietMartin Hellström, kristdemokraternaStefan Landberg, folkpartietMax Reijer, miljöpartietClaes Wennberg, socialdemokraternaHuvudresultat Vi har funnit att partierna i Göteborg i viss mån kan anses somprofessionaliserade i sitt kampanjarbete. Vårt resultat visar att samtliga partier använde sig av professionaliseringstekniker, dock i olika grad och utsträckning. Huvudsakligen var partierna i Göteborg säljorienterade i kampanjarbetet.