The purpose of this thesis has been to explore in what ways Franz Kafka?s ?The Metamorphosis? can be read as a story of gender. By bringing together Judith Butler?s theory of materialization and Lennard J. Davis?s crip theory I have spoken of Dismodernity as the domain of abject bodies that have been repudiated by (post)modern societies as untintelligible and dysfunctional.

I riksdagsvalet 2006 fick Sverige en ny regering med borgerligt styre. Förslag som utlovades i valrörelsen, särskilt från folkpartiet, som rör grundskolans senare år var bland annat att man vill införa betyg tidigare, använda sig av ett ordningsomdöme och att den ogiltiga frånvaron ska synas i betyget.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad lärare och elever tycker om dessa förslag. Metoden som jag använt mig av har varit en enkätundersökning som genomförts i tre sjätteklasser och tre sjundeklasser samt att intervjua fyra lärare som tjänstgjort olika länge på grundskolans senare år. Resultatet visar att antalet elever är jämnt fördelade om de vill ha betyg tidigare eller inte medan två av tre elever vill att ett ordningsomdöme ska införas och att skolk ska synas i betyget. Någon större skillnad mellan årskurserna och mellan pojkar och flickor kunde ej uppmätas.

I riksdagsvalet 2006 fick Sverige en ny regering med borgerligt styre. Förslag som utlovades i valrörelsen, särskilt från folkpartiet, som rör grundskolans senare år var bland annat att man vill införa betyg tidigare, använda sig av ett ordningsomdöme och att den ogiltiga frånvaron ska synas i betyget.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad lärare och elever tycker om dessa förslag. Metoden som jag använt mig av har varit en enkätundersökning som genomförts i tre sjätteklasser och tre sjundeklasser samt att intervjua fyra lärare som tjänstgjort olika länge på grundskolans senare år. Resultatet visar att antalet elever är jämnt fördelade om de vill ha betyg tidigare eller inte medan två av tre elever vill att ett ordningsomdöme ska införas och att skolk ska synas i betyget. Någon större skillnad mellan årskurserna och mellan pojkar och flickor kunde ej uppmätas.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

The purpose of this study is to examine how the work with young people at home to care and accommodation (HVB) are organized in a municipality outside Karlstad and how the staff perceive emotions in the workplace. The issues that are discussed are based on the concepts of social ties, emotional labor, roles, shame and pride. The number of people who are fleeing in the world is today about 51 million. There has not been this high since World War II. The Swedish Migration Board calculated that about 7,000 of these people were unaccompanied children and came to Sweden in 2014.

In East Africa live two species of Griffon Vultures; Rüppel?s Griffon Vulture (Gyps rueppellii) and African White-backed Griffon Vulture (G. africanus). One of the apparently most important factors limiting the population of these birds is food supply. Griffon vultures nest for eight months of the year, and are during this period geographically tied down to the nesting place.

When are aerial bombing strategies effective in coercing target states? According to the recent research debate there is a consensus that denial strategies may be an effective instrument for coercing states to change their politics. This study is based on Belkin?s theory which argues that the effectiveness of denial strategies may depend in part on the domestic legitimacy of the target states? regimes. From a political standpoint, aerial denial effectiveness can be considered more likely to coerce when political leaders of target states lack domestic legitimacy rather than when they are legitimate.   The purpose of this study is to contribute an explanation of a condition where denial strategies are more likely to succeed.

The Swedish metropolitan politics have had the bottom-up perspective as a major principle to evolve the democratic participation in segregated areas. My objective was to investigate if a bottom-up perspective has been used as a method of evaluation in a sample of 10 evaluation reports made about democratic participation in Malmö.The key questions were; In the evaluations:- How was the bottom-up perspective and related concepts defined?- What criterias and theories were used?- What values surfaced?- What methods were used?- Has a critical approach been used?The method used is analysis using the theories of Critical Social Method by Alvesson & Deetz, Values in evaluation by House & Howe and Choices of perspective by Eliasson.None of the analysed evaluations have used participatorial methods. As participation is defined mainly statistically, the criterias are usually quantitative measurements, though the evaluators agree that democracy is a matter of quality. There is a common lack of theoretical basis of analysis and methodology description.

In this essay I have studied the Swedish Working Class whose part of LO.Ideological texts in LO- Magazines is used to quote texts by collective orindividual terms. Method and theory material show high level of solidarity andequality while theory shows higher level of individualism and autonomy. Myresearch is closer to Boréus than Blocks. Politics taking under the 1980: s apowerful right turns holding a steady course through my material.The question in the essay is: What vision on the collective shows in theLO- Magazine in a time during individualization? Answer to this question is thatthe collective unofficially through LO: s: staff on central level tries to showstrength and unity with terms like solidarity and equality between the sexes.

Vi intervjuade tio högskoleutbildade om hur deras livssituation påverkade deras etableringsprocess på arbetsmarknaden och deras syn på sin yrkeskarriär. Särskilt intresse riktades mot deras syn på pendling och flyttning. De frågeställningar vi sökte svar på var: Finns det skillnader i synen på mobilitet det vill säga pendla och flytta som kan kopplas till kön, familjesituation och klassposition? Påverkar dessa skillnader respondenternas etablering på arbetsmarknaden och yrkeskarriär? Finns det social konstruerade maktordningar som direkt eller indirekt påverkar individens handlingsval och upplevda handlingsutrymme? Vi använde begreppet intersektionalitet som en tankemodell för att se hur olika maktordningar samverkar. De teorier vi tolkade undersökningsresultat mot bestod av Bourdieus teori om klassposition, teorin om könsmaktsordningen samt Bourdieus familjebegrepp.

This essay is a case study based on two sources of empirical data, qualitative interviews and responses from a questionnaire, which examines upper secondary school students? attitudes to history teaching in a museum context. The students? answers are further analyzed in relation to the concept of historical consciousness. Thus, history teaching in the museum, from a student perspective, and the students? capacity of expressing a historical consciousness in their answers, constitute the core of this essay.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party ?The Sweden Democrats? will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study.Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being ?The Social Democratic Party?, ?The Moderate Party? and ?The Sweden Democrats?. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric.The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that ?The Sweden Democrats? to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties..

  ?this Unpleasent klientel?A study on refugee care in Växjö between the years 1944 and 1947.The purpose of this study was to examine the treatment of sick refugees in Växjö in the 1940s. To achieve this a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods were used. The material found in the local archive and local newspaper was then put together and analyzed from the theoretical perspective, gender, class, ethnicity and social status.The result of this study shows that there were two main treatment wards for refugees, one that was supposed to treat women and children with active tuberculosis and the other ward treated refuges with ?epidemic diseases.? Foreign citizens were also taken care of in other words that were also not meant for refugees only, like the Epidemic hospital, which treated about 80 patients of a foreign nationality between 1944 and 1946.

This essay deals with Swedish unemployment politics during the period 1918-1932, and can be seen as a contribution to earlier research of how the policies, established by the State Unemployment Commission, was carried out at a local level. This study bears upon  Uddevalla municipality, a town in the southwestern part of Sweden, which had about 13,700 inhabitants in 1920.The research was conducted in Uddevalla municipality archives, and the sources used are above all municipal records and documents from the local unemployment committee. The measures taken by the local committee to reduce the effects of unemployment have then been compared with the directives of the State Unemployment Commission.The survey shows that the local unemployment committee, at least during the first half of the 1920s, was very keen to follow the directives of the State Unemployment Commission, and they also tried to charge the municipality's economy as little as possible. The local policy was often even more restrictive than the demands from the State Unemployment Commission. During a few years in the middle of the 1920s, when the unemployment was relatively low, most of the unemployed did not recieve any help at all.The restrictive policy, however, led to an increasing distress among the unemployed, and the poor relief had to give financial help to a lot of unemployed and their families.