The Swedish coastal defence took on a whole new meaning after the introduction of the coastal artillery in 1902. The establishment of the coastal artillery meant that the Swedish military had access to a whole new military branch, in addition to the Army and the Navy. Under the direction of one general, two regiments were established. One in Vaxholm and the second in the naval city of Karlskrona. The aim of this essay is to investigate how the Costal Artillery were established, by analyzing the parliamentary of the year 1901.

Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former..

Avsikten med detta examensarbete är att utreda möjligheterna för och föreslå lämplig bebyggelse i Västra Sörhaga, Alingsås. Vid en första anblick ser Västra Sörhaga ut att sträcka ut sig över ett mycket stort område. Men Västra Sörhaga begränsas också av flera faktorer. Jag kommer i detta arbete visa hur den byggbara marken för bostäder reduceras av olika omständigheter och hur dessa kan återerövras..

Examensarbetet belyser problematiken kring den offentliga konsten och hur den offentliga konsten bättre kan integreras i den kommunala planeringens beslutsprocess med hjälp utav en analys- och samarbetsmetod. Delar av analys- och samarbetsmetoden genomförs i fyra fallstudier i Eskilstuna och Uddevalla..

I en värld där kraven på flexibilitet, säkerhet och hårdvaruoptimering är nyckelfaktorer när det kommer till att välja IT-miljöer för företag blir virtuella skrivbord mer och mer poulära. Med dessa miljöer finns det också problem när det kommer till användarupplevelsen om nätverket ifråga inte kan uppfylla de krav som ett sådant system ställer. I detta arbete undersöks implikationerna vissa nätverksvariabler kan ha för en Virtual Desktop-infrastruktur, VDI. För att belysa dessa problem har två tester utförts på en VDI miljö. Det första testet gick ut på att mäta latensen då skrivbordsmiljön renderades för klienten från virtualiseringsservern vid olika nätverksdiamterar.

This article seeks to re-imagine the Alandish hembygdsrätt to a regional citizenship. Hembygdsrätt is a judicial tool that regulates acquisition of property and voting rights. Its a central part of the autonomy as it constitutes a social-border between Finns and Alanders.However as Åland and Finland became members of the European Union questions arouse concerning the legitimacy of the current statues. The community argued that it could be considered as a breach of the anti-discrimination principle. Therefore Alandish autonomy was recognized as an exception in the joint-accession treaty of Finland and Åland.

The main purpose of this paper is to examine and compare the democratic situation and developement in Malung and Nyköping, through a perspective of participatory and deliberative democratic theories. The questions I?ve examined are On what priorities the actions of developing democracy are built? Which positive effects have been reached and what problems have arisen? What are the solutions they have found to the problems? How does one experience the results of the experiments and actions taken? What are the similarities and differences between the two cases? and What is their relationship to the theories mentioned above?The questions are answered through interviews with four central actors in each case and examined in relation to participatory and deliberative democratic theories and in comparison of the two cases.The results have been that even if none of the cases respond to one theoretical ideal, they have touches of both theories as well as representative theory. It shows, however, that in Malung the representative democracy theory is the strongest represented in actions and politics, while in Nyköping the participatory democratic theory is stronger. In short, the most positive and negative effects respond well to the theories..

Den senaste tiden har intresset kring ekologisk bebyggelse vuxit. Passivhus är en teknik som växte fram under 90- talet och som pressenteras som ett miljövänligare och effektivare alternativ till modern regelverksbebyggelse. Men är det egentligen så? I den här uppsatsen används teorin om ekologiska fotavtryck för att presentera, resonera kring och jämföra de båda byggteknikerna. Utöver detta pressenteras ett planförslag för exploatering av området Himlabacken i Vetlanda..

Title: Establishing in China?s ?good-enough? market - A benchmarking study on Scandinavian engineering industries? further establishment in China. Problem discussion: The Chinese market is gaining importance for Scandinavian engineering industries and is by many considered a crucial market to be successful in. These companies have a tradition of producing premium products for premium customers. However, in China many are currently experiencing the threat from local competitors producing products of somewhat less quality aimed at the vast Chinese middle market - the good-enough market.

The Saami, a Nordic indigenous people scattered over four countries, has for centuries been regarded as parts of the national populations of the countries in which they live. During the 19th century saami demands for greater influence resulted en several changes, among them the founding of a Swedish Saami Council in 1993. The council became a popularly elected, representative institution with an agenda of its own, but also a public authority answerable to the government. The decision to attribute the council this twofold role was unusual and, from a certain point of view, even controversial: it makes it difficult to determine the location of the power to act in saami-related issues and the legitimacy to do so.This essay is about how the twofold role came into existence, what it leads to and how the seemingly contradictive duality is managed. It has an institutional approach with theories concerning institutions and etnicity as well as institutional change and handling of complicated and ambiguous demands.

The aim of my study is to illuminate the borders, both spatial and aspatial, that are drawn around Europe in swedish politics by using the word in question in different ways. To increase my possibilites of comparing different concepts of Europe, I have chosen to restrict my study toFolkpartiet and Vänsterpartiet, which are the two swedish parties who seem to stand the furthest from each other on issues regarding Europe and the EU. Using theory on borders and bordering, I construct an analytical framework consisting of a separation of three categories of entities, around which borders can be drawn. In my search for both obvious and implicit ways of filling the word Europe with content, I find that both parties speak of Europe in a highly contradictory way, which both includes and excludes peripheral regions of a geographical Europe. My second conclusion is that both parties tend to associate Europe with things that are positive to them.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

Road design with focus to safety has been extensively developed in last decades in Nordic and some other EU countries with the main aim to achieve a decrease in a number of accidents and fatalities on the roads. These countries gained many valuable experiences, but they had to sacrifice great effort, expenses, and time to reach the present art-of-state. The purpose of the Master?s Thesis is to review some design approaches with focus to safety and discuss the general way that they may be applied. The Master?s Thesis studies safety in three levels: (i) general - design standards, national safety policies and road hierarchy; (ii) local authority and road administrator; and (iii) three specific safety countermeasures - junctions, pedestrian crossings and traffic calming.

Uppsatsen behandlar hur Sveriges syn på Estland, uttryckt i Riksdagsdebatten, förändras från 1985 till 2008, analyserat ur ett identitetspolitiskt perspektiv. Identitetspolitik innebär att självidentifikationen av en stat primärt bygger på identifieringen av "de andra" och att upprättandet av en gräns gentemot "de" skapar utrikespolitik. Undersökningen bygger på en kvalitativ analys av riksdagstryck från den berörda perioden och fokuserar på beskrivningen av Estland i debatten. Författaren menar att det under denna tid finns ett flertal tydliga tendenser till förändring som mynnar ut i Estland går från att vara något som omnämns ytterst försiktigt och endast med bakgrund av Kalla Kriget till att bli ett europeiskt Östersjöland som är en nära samarbetspartner för Sverige. Under loppet av denna utveckling blir både Östersjön och Europa viktiga identifikationer för Sverige medan Norden står tillbaka i relativa termer..

The interest in providing a post 9/11 image of Islam to contrast the media?s frequent focus on its practitioners? alleged tendencies toward hostility and violence has in Sweden manifested itself (among other things) in an increased range of courses on Islam given by denominational Muslim organizations. In this paper I examine the construction of Islam by two Muslim organizations that offer education in Islam to non-Muslims in the context of the management?s stated goals of the education. My aim is to illustrate how discourses within these organizations are a result of the combination of local and global conditions..