No-fly Zones have been used in three recent conflicts. For every intervention the time taken to achieve the end-state has decreased. It took twelve years in Iraq, three years in Bosnia and only nine months in Libya. NATO was part of the intervention in both Bosnia and Libya, facing almost the same size of opponent, but it took them four times longer to achieve the end-state in Bosnia compared to Libya. The purpose of this essay is to analyze this difference in the time taken to achieve the end-state with a structured focused comparison of Bosnia and Libya based on Robert Pape´s theory of coercion with a focus on No-fly Zones. The results show that the mandate can explain the difference. In Libya NATO had the opportunity, due to the mandate, to use pre-emptive strikes, which they did not have in Bosnia.

Humanitarian intervention is a concept that generates several problems in our time. The idea of humanitarian intervention concerns the modern norms of sovereignty and noninterventional principals. It also concerns the conventional norm, which declares that states are not allowed to interfere in other states? internal affairs. The use of military force to implement humanitarian intervention is restricted according to international law.

For one month during the beginning of 2011, the world followed the violent events in Libya. During this time the United Nations was faced with a complex question, could they handle the ongoing violence and find a solution to the killings or would the hostile situation go on. We now know what happened, but not why. It is this question that this essay aims to answer. This essay covers the discussion of sovereignty on the one hand and humanitarian intervention on the other and responsibility to protect in between.

This essay examines how the conflict in Libya in 2011 was reported by the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter and the American newspaper The New York Times. The purpose is to examine how the conflict is portrayed and what similarities and differences that exist between the two newspapers. We have used a quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis to get our results. In conclusion, both newspapers polarize the conflict to a large extent, resulting in a one-sided and biased account. However The New York Times is more objective and neutral in its portrayal of the conflict..

This study in political science examines the UN adopted resolution 1970 (2011) andresolution 1973 (2011) on the basis of foreign policy decision-making. The study aims toexplain how the UN principle of Responsibility to Protect came to be legitimized for the firsttime by the UN Security Council in the Libya conflict in 2011. By a poliheuristic perspectivethe study attempt to explain Russia and China?s acting in the voting of resolution 1970 andresolution 1973. The background to the conflict in Libya 2011 is presented in the study aswell as the Security Council?s actions during the conflict, from the beginning of the conflictuntil the adoption of resolution 1973.

Aim: The aim of this study is to analyse the possible motives behind the actions of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council in relation to the conflict in Syria. The background of this aim is the Arab Spring and the protests and violence that have followed the uprising. While, in Libya, the UN Security Council adopted resolutions that allowed sanctions against the Libyan government, no such resolutions have been adopted yet in Syria.Theory: The principal theory of the analysis is Stephen D. Krasner´s theory on sovereignty.Method: I have researched various resolutions and statements done in the Security Council, together with official statements from the actors, through Hadenius´ motive analysis methodology and Gilje & Grimen and Ödmans theories on hermeneutics.Conclusion: The conclusion of the analysis is that there, in the case of Syria and Libya, are two different parties in the Security Council. One that stands for sovereignty and one that stands for intervention.

Many theories describe failed states as potential threats to international security due to the breeding ground they constitute for transnational terrorism. Ken Menkhaus believes however that transnational terrorists are dependent on a state for their own protection in order to be able to operate.This essay seeks out the relevance in Ken Menkhaus? theory which states that transnational terrorists rather exploit corrupted states than operate in countries where there is a state collapse. His theory will be applied on a case study on post-Libya after Gadhafi?s fall.

This study revolves around the NATO-led Operation Unified Protector in Libya 2011. The military campaign was executed under a UN mandate to protect the Libyan civilian population. Despite the mandate civilians died because of NATO bombings. The purpose of this study is to identify inadequate measures in avoiding civilian casualties during the operation and to continue to work towards minimizing civilian casualties caused by military organizations in international interventions.Early in the operation, NATO?s objective altered from protecting the civilians to over­throwing the Libyan regime. At the same time NATO changed its military targeting.

Vilja är avgörande för politiska beslut om väpnad insats och i Libyen efterfrågades på kort tid stridsflyg i en konflikt som fick ett starkt folkrättsligt mandat. Viljan till insats med stridsflyg, vilket inte använts internationellt sedan 1963, ställdes mot Sveriges tradition av att ställa upp när FN kallar.I uppsatsen analyseras viljan till insats i beslutsprocessen som föregick insatsen, stridsflygets förmåga och interaktionen däremellan.Uppsatsen har en kvalitativ ansats med förklarande ambition där intervjuer utgör en stor del av empirin. Den nationella beslutsprocessen har använts som teoretisk struktur för analysen.Sammanfattning:Resultatet visar att stridsflygets förmåga vid tillfället för beslutsprocessen var särskilt hög. Försvarsmakten uppvisade en stark vilja till insats genom hela beslutprocessen. Den politiska viljan var inledningsvis svag för en insats men växte sig stark inom delar av stridsflygets förmågebredd.Förmågan möjliggjorde tidiga och klara besked från Försvarsmakten vilka var avgörande för den politiska viljan.

Sedan andra världskrigets slut har internationell debatt förekommit angående hur internationellt bemötande bör ske då en främmande befolkning utsätts för våld och övergrepp av dess egen statsledning. Ofta har inom ramen för denna debatt normen om icke-intervention kommit att ställas mot ett globalt förespråkande av mänskliga rättigheter.Efter uppmaning av FN:s tidigare Generalsekreterare Kofi Annan, upprättades år 2000 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. Kommissionens arbete mynnade ut i en rapport benämnd The Responsibility to Protect, vilken syftar till att söka internationell konsensus kring möjligheten att genomföra intervention med humanitärt skydd som mål, samt rekommendationer om hur en sådan bör ske.Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom kvalitativ textanalys söka svar på i vilken omfattning rekommendationerna inom The Responsibility to Protect överensstämmer med internationellt agerande under den inomstatliga konflikten i Libyen 2011.Studiens resultat visar på att internationellt agerande från FN, dess medlemsländer samt internationella organisationer till viss del överensstämmer med rapportens förespråkade konflikthantering innan demonstrationer utbröt i Libyen. Vidare visar studien att internationellt agerande väl överensstämmer med The Responsibility to Protect´s rekommendationer, då de libyska demonstrationerna eskalerade och mynnade ut i en inomstatlig väpnad konflikt..

Under 2011 så utbröt det våldsamma oroligheter i Libyen och Syrien med många civila offer. FN:s säkerhetsråd utfärdade i mars 2011 en resolution om upprättandet av en No-Fly Zone i Libyen. Ryssland har sedan länge haft en uttalad inställning mot att stater lägger sig i andra länders inre angelägenheter. Ryssland avstod från att rösta i fallet Libyen vilket möjliggjorde en humanitär insats. Men avseende Syrien så har Ryssland använt sitt veto två gånger för att stoppa resolutioner som möjliggör en humanitär insats.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Rysslands agerande kan förklaras utifrån realistisk teori inom internationella relationer.

The authors have during the spring semester 2011 studied the subject destination development during a political crisis, focusing on Tunisia. At the beginning of 2011 the country was in an uncertain political situation when the revolution of the Tunisian people occurred. This created massive demonstrations on the streets, and resulted in the current government's resignation. More effects of the revolution has been seen in a drastic decline of inbound tourists in the country, which in turn affected the country's population and economy. From this point on Tunisia as a destination needs to recover to once again become attractive to tourists.