Large corporations have come to play a central role in today?s society. By analyzing how corporations describe their work with Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR, my aim is to review how they view and relate to this role. CSR means that a corporation voluntarily takes a civic responsibility beyond that which is required by law. This can be in order to promote human rights, basic workers rights and a better environment, as well as fighting corruption.In order to get at the role played by CSR, I have studied texts dealing with the subject, which have been published on the internet by the five largest Swedish corporations.

Denna masteruppsats tar sin utgångspunkt i en utveckling av nya boendemiljöer som genom sin lokalisering och utformning vill främja aktiviteter i ett specifikt fritidsintresse, ett tema, till att utövas lokalt i boendemiljön. Denna form av inriktade boendemiljöer benämns i uppsatsen som temaby.Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka vilka värden i boendemiljön som är framträdande hos boende i en temaby. Genom att besvara syftet kan det praktiska utfallet för boendemiljöns inriktning sättas i relation till övriga aspekter av boendemiljön som framkommer som värdefulla. Uppsatsens frågeställningar baseras på fyra dimensioner (karakteristisk-, relationell-, platsspecifik- samt temadimension) som spänner över regionala och mer lokala aspekter. Dimensionerna fungerar även som en sammanfattning av uppsatsens teoretiska avsnitt som applicerar temabyn till en större vetenskaplig diskussion om begreppen plats, rum och boendemiljö samt landsbygdspraktik.

Den här uppsatsen belyser problematiken medborgarskapet står inför idag. I en tid då vår värld globaliseras i en ryslig fart och invandrarströmmarna är större än någonsin så väljer vi att exkludera människor. Vi har i våran uppsats valt att se problemen ur ett liberalt perspektiv. Nationalstaten har länge varit fokus i medborgarskaps frågor, men på senare tid har diskurserna om ett kosmopolitiskt medborgarskap ökat. Mångkulturalismen är en del av våran vardag, ändå så väljer vi att ställa människor utanför systemet.

Jag har undersökt hur pedagoger arbetar med barns inflytande och hur barnen upplever sitt eget inflytande, vilket även var undersökningens syfte. Frågeställningarna jag utgått från är: Vilka möjligheter och begränsningar finns för pedagogers arbete med barns inflytande? Vilken betydelse har regler för barns inflytande? Hur upplever barn att de har inflytande på förskolan? Jag har använt mig av kvalitativa intervjuer och barnsamtal som metod för insamling av data och undersökningen genomfördes på en förskola i Norrland. Undersökningen visar att pedagogerna arbetar aktivt med barns inflytande både genom specifika, praktiska arbetssätt men även genom förhållningssätt och förmedlande av värderingar och synsätt. Undersökningen visar även att barnen upplever att de får vara delaktiga och utöva inflytande i verksamheten men samtidigt är barnen överens om att det är de vuxna som bestämmer på förskolan..

The public spaces of the city from a social sustainability perspective, Jubileumsparken, a public space for the young, aims to see how public spaces can be open and accessible to all young people in the community. New public spaces can be created and formed by urban planning. A public space that is undergoing considerable development is Jubileumsparken, which is situated in Gothenburg. This area constitutes the case study for this thesis. Due to the commercialization in the neo-liberal society of today, there is a risk that economically weak people, such as the young, the unemployed or students, can?t take part of all public spaces.

According to the theory of elitist democracy civic political participation should be reduced to participation in the democratic elections. This essay examines whether a high rate of institutionalized political participation beyond the elections leads to: (a) that those who are included gets a more favourable treatment at the expense of the common interest, in other words that their self interest threatens the political equality, (b) reduced freedom of action for the politicians and the headmasters, (c) the emergence of vague conditions of responsibility. These hypotheses are examined in an empirical study of user-boards at four schools on three locations in southern Sweden. In these user-boards the parents are in majority and have the right of decision, which has been delegated to them from the local government and the headmaster. The main conclusion is that, based on this empirical investigation, there is no support in any of the hypotheses.

The following essay is named The canonization of Joan of Arc, a Church political strategy or the creation of a national symbol? Joan of Arc, the French heroine of the Hundred Years War, was canonized as late as 1920, in a process that began already in 1869. In the following essay I am trying to work out if this canonization is a work of the Vatican in order to gain popularity in France after the breakup with the state in 1905. The Catholic Church had, since the French Revolution, faced difficulties withstanding its position of power in the presence of the upcoming Secularism and Liberalism and their growing public support. The Catholic Church had been fighting for its members and at the same time fighting the new ideas of Socialism, Communism and Liberalism.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

The goal of this paper is to analyze the influence of the EU on Turkish democracy. In order to achieve this aim, the paper concentrates on three areas, as representative institutions, opposition parties and freedom of expression. The impact of the EU on Turkey has been more explicit during the last decades. In particular since 1999 when the country became a candidate for membership, and that will eventually lead to Turkey joining the European Union. Thereby this paper will examine the demands EU set up for the country and how Turkey accomplishes these criteria.

In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ?soft power? proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment.

AbstractThe recruiting of lay judges to the district courts is managed by the political parties. Despite repeated efforts the parties do not succeed in recruiting lay judges that reflect the structure of the inhabitants. Why not? This is the fundamental issue of this essay.This study is a multiple case study of two parties with different success in their recruiting work. The purpose is to study the process of nomination regarding lay judges at the district courts, at the latest election (2006).

AbstractThe purpose of this study is to illustrate Serbia?s democratic development on the basis of consolidate democratic perspective. Linz & Stepan´s five arenas (political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic) are required for the possibility to become a consolidate democracy. In order to fulfil the aim, I have chosen to focus on the political and civil arenas that are most central in the study of consolidate democracy.The purpose of this study is to process how far Serbia has come towards a consolidate democracy and which obstacles still remain in the transition.The questions in this study are:? What problems has Serbia faced since the democratic transition in the beginning of 1990?? What possibilities are there for Serbia to consolidate the democracy, with focus on the two key arenas of consolidation?By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey?s and Bosnia and Herzegovina?s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership.

There is little knowledge about abuse of anabolic androgenic steroids (AAS) in Sweden. Thispaper aims to explore, from a discourse psychological angle, how persons with experience ofanabolic androgenic steroids (AAS) construct there identities.The theory and method used as a frame for the paper is discursive psychology, depending on thefocus in the paper of human beings use of language in the construction of identities. Forcollection of data interviews were made. The six respondents al had experience of use of AAS.The interviews illustrated how users of AAS speak about AAS, and create there identity, inrelation to AAS. In the interpretation of data we used two different tools, used by discursivepsychologists, interpretative repertoires and subject positions.

This thesis intends to analyse conditions for a successful implementation of consociational democracy, as a democratic model in Afghanistan. The lack of critical reviews regarding the democratisation-process in Afghanistan initiated the purpose of this study.Lijpharts democracy model was used as the basis in the comparative study. Along with empirical evidence regarding how the complex process of democracy in Afghanistan is progressing, the study investigated whether the identified conditions occurred or not.The choice of which democracy model to use can be crucial for the democratic possibilities to even survive and become established in conflict-affected communities. The principle of consociational democracy is that it is an empirically based normative model that aims to organise the state in a way that works against the risks of majority domination and oppression against the minority.The empirical case study revealed that a majority of the conditions were not met, which then can counteract the possibilities for consociational democracy in Afghanistan. The study has critically examined the prospects for the success of consociational democracy in Afghanistan, and it can be assessed that there is a limited probability for a successful applying of this model..