I Sverige ser vi idag en arbetsmarknad som är långt ifrån jämställd, detta kan man se exempel på inom svenska företags- och organisationsledningar samt styrelser där kvinnor är starkt underrepresenterade. Den rådande strukturen bidrar till att kvinnor i stor utsträckning exkluderas från de högsta befattningarna och har svårt att överkomma de hinder som möter dem under karriären. Dessa hinder brukar benämnas glastak då de syftar till det osynliga tak som försvårar kvinnors tillträde till de högsta positionerna. Vi vill i denna uppsats belysa vikten av ett aktivt engagemang och arbete med jämställdhet för att hjälpa kvinnor att avancera inom den egna organisationen. Genom fallstudier av två organisationer som använt sig av jämställdhetsprojekt i sitt arbete för en jämställd arbetsplats vill vi analysera hur de främjar att kvinnor på lika villkor som män skall kunna nå toppositionerna.

Efter den 11 september 2001 har det i väst blivit mer accepterat att göra negativa uttalanden om islam och muslimer i diskurser. Vår tes är att ledarsidorna i Jyllandsposten är ett exempel på en sådan diskurs där muslimer framställts som de Andra och ses som fundamentalt olika "danskarna". Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka diskursen om islam/muslimer på Jyllandspostens ledarsidor år 2000-2005. Detta görs genom en kritisk diskursanalys, utifrån postkolonial teori. Vi undersöker även om diskursen kan sägas vara en rasifierad diskurs, och hur diskursen har förändrats sedan år 2000.

In 1992, the European Union began institutionalizing the cooperation against terrorism within the EU structure. Since then, this cooperation has gone through a number of changes. From a historical institutionalistic point of departure we explain these changes by identifying sources of institutional resilience and institutional change. Based on these results, we were able to pose hypotheses of when and what category of change was most likely to take place.The results show that the cooperation against terrorism within the EU was most likely to remain stable because of strong sources of institutional resilience. If change would occur through an increase in the sources of institutional change, it was most likely to be of a less extensive category.

Iran och Nordkorea tillhör båda gruppen av skurkstater, även kallat ?ondskans axelmakter?, på grund av deras kärnvapenambitioner. Skäl för att tillförskaffa kärnvapen domineras av säkerhetspolitiska skäl. Vi skall här genom en jämförelse mellan två av världens ?skurkstater? utröna om skälen för ett potentiellt införskaffande härrör från säkerhetspolitiska skäl.

The purpose of this study was to increase the understanding of the phenomenon that there are so many young people placed in institutions in Sweden despite the valuable knowledge regarding the problems and risks of doing so. The questions that follow in the essay were what guided the social workers to choose institutional placement for youngsters. It went on to also ask if this knowledge could contribute to an increased understanding of why there were so many young people placed in institutions despite the criticism from scientists. To accomplish the goal of the essay, former science in the subject was reported and six social workers within social services were interviewed. The material of the interviews was analyzed with help from the theory of human service organizations, street-level bureaucrats work situation and the new institutionalism.The result of the investigation showed that the social workers choices to place young people in institutions is guided by specific work and organizational factors connected with a belief in the helping function of the surroundings.

The aim with this paper is to examine the political background of the schools comission to integrate pupils with special needs in the public school. These following questions are examined: What political documents are the elementary? Which ones are juridically binding for the schools? What are the experiences for  parents of children with special needs in the school? The method used for this paper is mainly litterature-studies. The four documents which are examined are: skollagen, Läroplanen 94, FN:s barnkonvention och Salamancadeklarationen. The theoretical frame for this paper is political documents, curriculums and how schools concretize the special education.

Happiness is often considered our ultimate goal in life. This essay explores the political im- plications of this view, through the critique of happiness found in the works of Simone de Beauvoir and Sara Ahmed. Ahmed and Beauvoir consider happiness to be harmful as a po- litical goal, since it tends to diminish dimensions of power and conflict in favor of harmony, and is not compatible with a political philosophy based on freedom or liberation. Happiness is often confused with the ethical Good, but this essay argues that happiness does not ne- cessarily entail good things. Indeed, happiness can be used to justify oppression and unjust political systems..

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the democratic views in the two latest party platforms, belonging to the two Swedish political parties Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna. This by applying Robert A. Dahl's democracy model, Polyarchy, and Carol Pateman's democratic Participatory model, on to the party platforms. By doing so, my hopes were to determine if the two political parties can classify themselves as democratic parties. The result shows that both Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna meet the majority of the democratic demands created by Robert A.

This thesis aims at analysing conflicts between different ideals of democracy, using the example of a newly implemented citizen´s initiative reform. This reform gives citizens the right to make policy proposals to Swedish municipal councils. The proposals are to be handled in the same way as proposals from the municipal council members. An ideology analysis of various government documents as well as of an official state study (SOU) is carried out to identify and discuss the ideals of democracy that underpin the reform. The analysis is based on participatory democracy and electoral democracy theory and Arnstein's Eight Rungs on the Ladder of Citizen Participation is used to discuss different types of participation by the citizens.

The aim of this theoretical study is to explain how the notion of the Other and Otherness affect individuals possibilities to form multiple, personal identities. This is done by the use of the theory of the Other and the construction of identities. In my analysis I will be using the power perspective presented by Lukes. The purpose of my study is also to investigate whether a focus on similarity over difference between groups can change the situation for individualsMy study shows that otherness affect individuals identity constructions through stereotyping and categorising. This is made possible by the use of power from outside and inside different groupings.

This thesis explores the validity of feminist poststructuralist theory in relation to gender and culture. Within the theoretical frame¬work of Judith Butler, combined with insights from the field of post-colonial theory, different perspectives of the dilemma of universalism are discussed. Primary sources for the study are policy documents from the Swedish government, literary texts and newspaper articles. The results show a number of paradoxes which need to be continually and critically kept unsolved. This does not mean an end to feminist engagement in other contexts than one's own but rather the need for theoretical awareness and self reflection.

This study in political science examines the UN adopted resolution 1970 (2011) andresolution 1973 (2011) on the basis of foreign policy decision-making. The study aims toexplain how the UN principle of Responsibility to Protect came to be legitimized for the firsttime by the UN Security Council in the Libya conflict in 2011. By a poliheuristic perspectivethe study attempt to explain Russia and China?s acting in the voting of resolution 1970 andresolution 1973. The background to the conflict in Libya 2011 is presented in the study aswell as the Security Council?s actions during the conflict, from the beginning of the conflictuntil the adoption of resolution 1973.

This Masters thesis concerns a series of ten police procedural novels, Roman om ett brott, Novel of a crime, by Maj Sjöwall and Per Wahlöö. These books are among the most translated Swedish novels and have been popular among audiences and critics all over the world. The books were produced 1965 1975, a period during which a left wing movement swept over the Western world. Besides from being detective stories Novel of a crime is an analysis of contemporary society, and this thesis will focus on the social and political ideas and the criticism expressed in the books. Theories used in this study are the Sociology of Literature and the Analysis of Ideas.

The aim of this thesis is to ascertain if women are discriminated in the European Parliament, and if so, how it is expressed. Our hypothesis is that female members of the parliament suffer a kind of double discrimination. The European Parliament consists of roughly one third women, but nevertheless the discrimination does not end there. According to our hypothesis women do not have the same opportunity to influence as their male colleagues, hence the double discrimination.The results of this thesis show that women are discriminated, mainly by not gaining access to the European Union's important issues, whilst the female dominated issues are scheduled on late evening and at the end of a session week. Another unsatisfactory issue was that even though half of the reports were given by women, they only received one third of the references to their reports while men received two thirds of the references.

Nigeria är ett av världens mest etniskt mångfaldiga länder. Landet har under senare år, trots ett alltmer demokratiskt styre, erfarit ett uppsving av etniska konflikter. Med en konstruktivistisk syn på etnicitet är orsaken till konflikterna inte given, utan kan elimineras. De nigerianska ledarna har dock inte lyckats med detta, utan snarare gjort problemen än mer komplicerade. Därför syftar denna fallstudie till att analysera civilsamhällets möjligheter och hinder att få bukt med de etniska konflikterna.Genom tillämpande av teorier om inter- och intraetniskt civilsamhälle samt socialt kapital finner vi att civilsamhället, som genom en bred definition är livfullt och heterogent i Nigeria, i dagsläget är för svagt och fragmenterat.