The UN has a goal to gender-mainstream all politics, but its politics in climate change is not gender-sensitive. The Swedish government has the same goal concerning gender mainstreaming, but does the Swedish politics of climate change reach this goal? The aim of this paper is to examine the relations between the Swedish politics of gender and climate change. In addition, the aim is also to investigate how gender is constructed in the climate politics. To reach these aims, an institutional, policy and gender analysis is used.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att granska effekterna av regional integration på FDI hos de länder som blev medlemmar i EU 2004 samt 2007. Utifrån teori gällande sambandet mellan regional integration och FDI, analyseras empirisk data över stock och flöden av FDI till de nya medlemsländerna i syfte att utreda förekomsten av investeringsalstring och/eller investeringsomfördelning inom denna integration av typen öst-väst där det råder stora skillnader i inkomstnivå mellan medlemsländerna. Analysen visar att FDI till de nya medlemsländerna, både från andra medlemsländer och tredje land, har ökat till följd av ländernas medlemskap i EU. Mätt i absolutvärde kan det konstateras att FDI från andra medlemsländer är avsevärt mycket större än FDI från tredje land. Vidare har de nya medlemsländerna upplevt investeringsalstring och investeringsomfördelning från andra medlemsländer samt investeringsomfördelning där FDI från EU15 flyttar från tredje land till de nya medlemsländerna.

AbstractIn this essay, policy change and learning is studied in the case of the Social Democratic Party and their policy concerning independent schools. Their policy differs clearly from the right-wing parties. Between 1991 and 1994, the right-wing government made substantial reforms concerning independent schools. The question posed in this essay is whether the policy of the Social Democratic Party has changed as a result of these actions, and if they have approached their right-wing counterparts.Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, defining a policy as a result of the values the actor holds, the question is studied by applying the theory's assumptions of policy-learning across coalitions. The argumentation of the Social Democratic Party, as it is expressed in official text documents before and after the right-wing government, is analysed.

I detta arbete undersöker jag frågan om hur arbetsgivarnas policy för de anställdas datoranvändning under arbetstid ser ut. Jag har gjort en jämförelse mellan kommuner och verkstadsföretag inom Västra Götaland.Rapporten inleds med en introduktion till privata angelägenheter, personlig integritet och kontroll av de anställda. Vidare behandlas hur en policy ser ut, behovet av en policy och hur det ser ut hos arbetsgivarna gällande policys för datoranvändningen. I denna del tas bland annat tidigare undersökningar och publikationer upp.För att kunna besvara denna fråga har jag använt mig av enkätundersökning. 11 kommuner och 11 verkstadsföretag ingår i undersökningen.

The aim of this Masters thesis is to examine the view of literature within Swedish governmental cultural policy. The main issue is to discover changes in attitude towards democracy, literature and library by comparing the attitudes in the governmental policy documents from the 1970s with the governmental policy documents from the 1990s. The theoretical starting point is Danish cultural policy researcher Dorte Skot-Hansens theories of the development of cultural policy in the Nordic countries. My method of analysis is a textual one, analysis of ideas and ideology, focusing on the aspect of signification of a text. The study has an effort of analysing the governmental policy in terms of idea and ideology.

The aim of this master?s thesis is to study the discourses on culture as developed by EU Commission. The method applied is a discoursebased historical analysis, where analysis of arguments and metaphors are functional to the enlightening of the construction of discourses within EU cultural policy. EU official documents constitute the empirical material studied. The theoretical framework of the thesis draws upon cultural public sphere theory as well instrumentalist cultural policy research.

This study deals with one particular instance of foreign policy change in Sweden; The political take-off for enhanced Nordic Defence and Security Cooperation in the beginning of the 21st century which led to an agreement on a Nordic declaration on slolidarity. The aim of this study is to explain why the political development has undergone a rapid upturn and when such a policy change occur. Its purpose is to explain what factors and conditions that influenced the policy change. It also explores the meaning of the Nordic Declaration of Solidarity. The theoretical point of departure is Foreign Policy Analysis combined with John Kingdons policy-window theory.

This paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory.

This study aims at examining the prospects for a policy transfer of a Swedish municipal environmental policy (that of Växjö) to the French urban commune Blois, for which an ambition of becoming a leading eco-city in France, was declared by the mayor in 2008.In the analysis, emphasis is laid on mechanisms to institutionalize the main environmental policy principles, such as political and institutional structures and processes. Other prospects for an institutionalization of a new environmental policy that are to be investigated are economic structures as well as visions of the different decision-makers concerned. Research methods used in the study are qualitative interviews, document studies and a questionnaire.The findings of the analysis show that today?s prospects for an environmental policy in Blois close to that of Växjö, are clearly limited. The limitations can partly be found in economic structures but these seem to be rather related to a lack of priority amongst actors.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swe-dish immigration policy based on Habermas theory about openings/closures and analyze the reasons to the differences between Danish and Swedish immigrant policy. Therefore this study has two question formulations, the first one was "Is there any equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy based on Habermas theory of openings and closings?" and the second was "Why are there equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy?" The results show that based on Habermas theory there are equalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy. On the question why, the re-sults show us that the factors who give the difference are work, people?s attitude to immi-grants and party politics.Keywords: Denmark, Sweden, Immigration policy, opening, closing..

This discursive policy study has its starting point in the criticism of the Swedish gender-equality policy is depoliticised. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the Swedish gender-equality policy was problematised and designed during the 2000s. The purpose of this paper is also to investigate whether the Swedish gender-equality policy can be defined as a depoliticised policy or not. The research questions of this study are: What´s the problem of gender-equality represented to be in the specifics policies and what effects are produced of this representation? Can gender policy, as it is designed in the various policy documents, be understood as a depoliticised policy, in the sense that sex is not articulated on the basis of a conflict dimension?To find the answer of theese questions I use the method ?Whats´s the problem represented to be", which is an inductive approach where the researcher sets selected questions to its material.

This study is set out to examine if there is any kind of influence between the EU and Swedish gender policy. More specific the Swedish efforts within the gender policy area, especially in the area of social policy and employment, during the Swedish presidency in the Council of Ministers 2001. And also to examine the impact of Europeanization in Swedish gender policy. We have decided to delimit our study to care of elderly and children when it comes to the area of social policy. We are using a descriptive, examining qualitative method.

This master?s thesis analyzes how cultural policy was problematized in three governmental policy areas; culturalpolicy for the free sector, education policy and popular education policy, during the social democrat Ragnar Edenman?s time (1957-67) as minister of ecclesiasticalaffairs. Earlier research has examined the policy for the free sector, concerning artist?s economic problems. This thesisadds an analysis of the other fields of policy, which were reformed in the 1960?s by the same ministry.

During the time between 1660-1680 the nobility in Sweden came to be a gigantic landowner with 65 % of the total amount of land, but only 20 years later they lost almost half of their possessions. The eighteenth century was on its way ? a period in history were ?ordinary? people started to question the nobility?s right to be excused from tax, at the same time as farmers and the ?middlegroup? started to appropriate more and more land from the nobility and the Crown.Through King Gustav III:s document of 1789, land became free to own to whoever it was ? except from the prime nobility?s land; but the Swedish Parliament followed the wind of change, and 1809/10 this land was also free to own. At the end of 1840, the nobility owned about 19 % of the land in Sweden, and the farmers and middlegroup owned 69 %. The tide had turned...But Öja parish showed a different development compered to the rest of Sweden.

German regional policy has changed from a strategy of redistribution to a regional growth focused policy- strategies, which are often seen as opposites. Both policies, however, still have to relate to the constitutional objective ?to achieve equal living conditions for the country?s citizens.?This paper examines what effects a political change may have had on the interpretation of the German constitutional objective. Its aim is to examine German regional policy and its relationship to justice, using John Rawls? A Theory of Justice.