With the end of the Cold War the number of conflicts where the United Nations have intervened has increased dramatically. This has entailed a need for a burden-sharing between the UN and regional organizations regarding management of conflicts. The aim of this study is to make a comparative analysis of the effectiveness and the efficiency in the efforts undertaken by ECOWAS and the UN during the civil war in Sierra Leone, through using theories on conflict resolution and the advantages of regional organizations in conflict resolution.My conclusion is that both ECOWAS and the UN were quite successful in managing the conflict and had an impact on the resolution of the war, although both peace operations suffered from internal problems. ECOWAS was effective in managing the conflict and in its mediating efforts as an insider from the region. The UN was more efficient in managing to attain their goals.

The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden?s decision to engagein the Afghanistan conflict.The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that hasbeen used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan,Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science.The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, arealist and a constructivist point of view.The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives forSweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy andforeign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peacebuilding and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study.Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity..

Peace operations are considered to be hard to solve but Sierra Leone is by many thought to be a success despite major problems during the operations. Solving this conflict involved several dif-ferent actors which all contributed to the creating of peace. The purpose of this essay is to examine whether similarities between the way the conflict in Sierra Leone was solved and the method that Galula presents led to the positive outcome. This will be done by a qualitative textual analysis to demonstrate presence and absence of those parts that Galula claim are crucial to counter an insur-gency. Similarities between the method used at the solving of the conflict in Sierra Leone and Galulas method for counterinsurgency can be found.

Luftstridskrafter har spelat en betydande roll i senare tiders Peace Support Operations (PSO). Obemannade flygande system har varit en del av dessa insatser, hur kommer rollfördelningen att vara i framtiden? Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka och göra en bedömning avseende hur obemannade flygsystem kan utnyttjas och ha en roll i framtida Peace Suport Operations. Litteratur- och dokumentstudier, föreläsningar och intervjuer ligger som faktabakgrund för bedömningen av hur en framtida PSO kan se ut samt vilken roll obemannade flygsystem kan ha i en framtida Peace Suport Operation. Jämförelse har skett mellan bemannade och obemannade flygande system varvid fördelar och nackdelar har belysts.

SIDA?s relief work in Bosnia aims at making the country ready for a membership in the EU where the main focus lies in the creation of a sustainable state as well as liberalizing the market to create an increased economic cooperation between Bosnia and the rest of Europe. These ambitions are closely related to the neo-liberal theory of state building which aims at creating democratic societies in line with the western democracy model, with a liberal economy constituting its base. Despite generous financial aid, the democratic and economic development in Bosnia is moving very slowly and the ethnical tensions seem to grow despite international involvement in the country. The purpose of this study is to evaluate SIDA?s present relief work in Bosnia out of a peace perspective.

The aim of the following paper has been to test the democratic peace theory through applying it on the conflict between Russia and Georgia in 2008.  This to either falsify the theory or come to the conclusion that the states? democracy was not satisfactory in regards to the definition of liberal democracy. The questions asked are: Was Russia and Georgia democratic states? Is democracy a protection from war? And which aspects of the liberal democratic theory, if any, were not satisfactory in either of the countries? The results show that the democratic peace theory is valid in this case and that neither one of the states were democratic.

AbstractThe thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union?s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School?s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis.

This essay is aimed at exploring how governments inclination to adhere to international human rights law develops in the wake of interstate conflicts. It examines how human rights in Eritrea and Ethiopia has developed after the war in 1998-2000 by examining the historical background to the war, and reviewing country reports from United States State Department and Amnesty International between 2001-2005.The result of the paper shows that Eritrea's adherence to human rights suffered setbacks, and that some of these happened due to the aftermath of the war. Ethiopia also had some lesser setback primarily due to internal turmoil. The essay concludes that states adherence to human rights in postconflict situations depend on if the war severely weakened the state, in which case the state becomes more repressive in order to cling to power..

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka de normativa utrymmen som det finns i dagens internationella samhälle för förebyggande interventioner. Interventioner definieras som ett medel i en större politisk strategi som sker inom en suverän stats gränser mot dess officiella vilja. Vidare skiljer sig förebyggande interventioner från icke-förebyggande genom dess preventiva karaktär. Utifrån en begreppsanalys studeras olika interventionsformer och argument för interventionspolitikens legitimerande. I den följande normativa analysen diskuteras och ställs olika argument om interventioners legitimerande emot varandra, och det normativa utrymmet för interventioner undersöks.

Over the past twenty years, the cooperation within the European Union (EU) has strengthened and expanded with both more number of Member States and stronger influence on international politics. The unique character of the Union and its ability to enforce peace and humanitarian intervention has attracted attention in political science. This prominent position of the Union is perceived by many scholars who often hold this derived from the Union's influence in international relations. Various terms have been used to define the powers of the Union. The British researcher Ian Manners states that the unique identity of the Union in the international arena is formed by its normative power.  An important policy area within the Union is the environmental cooperation.

This paper aims to analyze if ground based air defence of the Swedish Defence Forces is sufficiently equipped to protect units serving abroad. The Swedish ground based airdefece has its roots in the era of the cold war but the focus of Swedish Defence Forces has shifted from defending Swedish territory to peace keeping and peace enforcement in foreign countries. First I will take a look at the base factors for ground based air defence units serving in a peace keeping or enforcing mission and then use this to define what abilities you would like to have in a ground based air defence system. Finally I will compare these abilities whit the abilities of the ground based air defence systems that are in use whit the Swedish Defence Forces.My conclusion is that the question can´t be answered on a generel level but every mission has to be analyzed individualy.The author of this paper is Cadet Tobias Jönsson studying at the The Armed Forces Technical School to become an officer in the Swedish Defence Forces..

The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.

INGEN LAG ? STRAFF? ABSTRACTThe thesis deals with a gap in the Swedish legislation concerning the criminal responsibility under which military personnel act in International peace operations. According to international treaties called Status of Forces Agreements, military personnel operating abroad within the territory of other states are exempted from the criminal law of the host states. In return, their home states apply its national criminal law upon the personnel instead. Thus, Swedish criminal law is applied in relation to actions taken by Swedish military forces in international operations.

This paper examines the concept of environmental scarcity and the risk of conflict, in particular agriculturalscarcity and the risk of conflict. This paper compares the neighbouring countries Angola and Namibia, andinvestigates why Angola has had a conflict and why Namibia has had peace. This paper investigates if the conflict inAngola is caused by agricultural scarcity and if this is the explanation for the lasting Peace in Namibia..

One of the more hopeful signs in the Middle East-conflict during the 20th century was president Sadat´s visit to Jerusalem in November 1977. His speech in Knesset arose deep feelings, from open hostility to careful optimism and belief in the future. During nearly one and a half year Egyptian and Israeli delegations negotiated. They came to a peace-agreement, the Camp David-Accords, under the guidance of the United States. The main-actors during the peace- negotiations were President Sadat, Prime Minister Begin and President Carter.