This essay is about the asylum and immigration politics within the EU. Due to the heavy criticism the EU has been exposed to from among others different kind of human rights organizations I have become interested to find out what kind of asylum and migration politics right now is being formed by the member states of the union. Thus the purpose is also to see if the EU is creating a policy within this area that intends to live up to the human rights obligations.My overall research question is:Which ideas characterize the asylum and immigration politics within the EU?The theoretical perspectives of universalism and particularism are used as two analytical tools in order to understand the phenomenon I am investigating and to identify its characterizing ideas. In my essay universalism and particularism are used as opposite ideal types.

This study analyzes the court of appeals work on judging immediate care (6 § LVU) by the child´s best from 10 court cases. This study has been reviewing 10 court cases and reviewing the court of appeals applicable laws in their decisions on interlocutory order within LVU. The material than have been analyzed consists of immediate care of children, and the concept of the best interests derived from the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.The legal sanctions includes when a state signs a convention, which Sweden has. This means that Sweden is at their disposal to offer all children within its territorial limits, up to 18 years may take part of the rights set down in the Convention of the Rights of the Child. This means that all decisions relating to the individual child, should always be taken with respect to the best interest of the child, when a child for varoius reasons end up in a lawsiut.The concept of the best interest of the child are vague and abstract because it is not clearly defined.

The common asylum and migration policy of the European Union is a struggle between a strong belief in the protection of human rights and the need of strong and secured borders. This paper highlights the dilemma that occurs in the common asylum and migration policy of the European Union. What happens when the union have to choose between liberal standards with high priorities to human rights and a realistic focus on security? The aim is to study the asylum policy presented in the Stockholm Program, and thereafter evaluate what kind of character the union has itself. By an ideal type analysis of the Stockholm program from 2009, the common asylum policy is divided into either liberal or realistic ideas.

This study is based on the notion of "the postsecular society". I have identified both similar and dissimilar values within current and official publications regarding human rights and gender equality authored by the Swedish Feminist Party and the Church of Sweden. The aim of this study is to identify and review similarities and differences in values, as expressed in definitions and standpoints, and also to try to explain how it is that the actors have similar and dissimilar values. In this context I have chosen the sociologist Jürgen Habermas's theory about "the postsecular society" to increase the understanding how and why similar values within religious and secular actors are presented in, what Habermas calls, "the postsecular society". I have used a qualitative and comparative content analysis for this study. The result shows that the Swedish Feminist Party has a more humanistic view.

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze laws that completely prohibit abortion through a legal philosophical perspective. To demonstrate that abortion blanket bans cannot be seen as legally legitimate, the author has completed a literature study where she uses Robert Alexy?s ?Concept of Law? to analyze abortion laws both in general, and in Nicaragua in particular.Based upon Alexy?s ?Concept of Law? the author has identified three relevant key elements ? social efficacy, the argument from injustice and correctness of content - which she uses in her analysis. In order to apply these three elements on the total abortion ban, she then uses four different analysis tools - feminist theory, Human Rights, deontology analysis and right analysis. This has enabled a thorough analysis of the total ban on abortion that has demonstrates that such laws cannot be considered legitimate.By highlighting the human rights violations the law entails, one can conclude that the law has a social impact.

It is not unusual that women and children fall behind in development countries. It is not even unusual that these groups are exposed to all forms of discrimination due to the countries lack of capacity to erase poverty. We also know that women and children in a larger extent suffers from the shortage of proper health conditions. India is one of these countries. It is a country where women even before birth are exposed to discriminatory family planning.

In 1809 the citizens of Sweden where given the freedom to practice their Christian faith through the Swedish constitution of 1809, 16 §. This proclaimed that there should be religious freedom in Sweden, albeit restricted to Evangelical-Lutheran faith. Although after the law regarding dissenters was passed in 1860 by choosing another church than the Evangelical-Lutheran church you lost some civic rights, for example you could not become a public official. The freedom to choose religious affiliation was given through the Law of Religious Freedom in 1951. The purpose of this study is to evaluate in what way the concept of religious freedom has developed in Swedish law between 1809 and 1951.In the background I treat two historical events and one era, with focus upon religious freedom, which have in my opinion influenced the view of religious freedom in Sweden during the chosen period of 1809?1951.

Nearly half of the worlds population is individuals under the age of eighteen. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child state in its first article that a child is ?every human being below the age of 18 years?. Our aim and purpose with this essay is to problemize this broad definition. Our hypothesis is that the definition brought by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is too wide and therefore brings difficulties when children of different ages beneath eighteen should and shall be treated the same.

The aim of this study has been to, through a couple of chosen theories, examine in what way and for what purposes Japan has used its international aid system, How can the nation have been said to have implemented and acted in lines with the philosophies and principles set forth in the ODA declaration. What approaches, concerning positive and negative aid sanctions in the matters of aid to Cambodia and Burma, have been chosen and what have the motives for these choices been. What have been the determining factors of the outcome related to these sanctions - economic, political and/or matters of identity? I have found that a concern for possible decrease in economic profit and investment related areas, combined with a feared loss of political prestige and worsened diplomatic relations to the neighbouring countries in the Asian society, have come to overtrump the notion of advocating democracy, human rights, environmental and anti-militaristic issues..

-.

Freedom of religion or belief is indisputable in Human rights discourse, more discussed is exactly what it is that is included in the concept of freedom of religion or belief (in Swedish: religionsfrihet). This thesis focuses on the freedom of religion or belief in a European context, in particular on the European court of human rights and article 9 in the European convention for human rights. Some criticism has been directed against the Court to the effect that its practice and verdicts don't answer to the pronounced desire to develop a pluralistic and inclusive form of freedom of religion or belief.My aim is to examine, analyse and test three different theories, which all try to develop alternatives to the expression freedom of religion or belief, in relation to six verdicts from article 9 in Europe convention. My basic purpose is to try to find new ways of talking about freedom of religion or belief that might lead to a more inclusive, pluralistic and equal interpretation of that concept.The three theories wich I use are elaborated by Richard Amesbury (associate professor at Claremont school of Theology); Hugo Strandberg (TD at Åbo Akademi) and Eberhard Herrmann (professor in philosophy of religion at Uppsala University); and Martha Nussbaum (professor of law and ethics at the University of Chicago). The six cases from the European court are: X v.

Young adults with mild intellectual disability and their thoughts about the own home was investigated and is described in this thesis. A qualitative research method was used, and the respondents thoughts about where and how to live were gathered through interviews. The investigation is based on the theoretical concept of normality, identity and quality of life since these aspects are important components of the individual's positive experiences of their homelife. People with disabilities has rights goverened by law, but in this thesis the individuals subjective experiences, feelings and wishes are described. The importance of the individual2019s rights to make their own decisions, feeling of pericipation and personal security was found to be important factors for a satisfying living environment.

The aim of this paper is to describe and explain which policy instruments for human rights (HR) the United States and the European Union use towards Burma and to examine the priority given to HR in their respective foreign policy. From the results of an empirical analysis this paper seeks to analyze the US and the EU as powers in the international system and aims to explain their behavior from this theoretical perspective. From the theoretical approaches used I conclude that these actors act in different ways regarding the Burmese issue. This is partially due to the structure of the international system. Both actors primarily use different forms of diplomatic tools and sanctions to try to force change for HR in Burma.