AbstractAim: The aim of the study is to analyze ten different columns written by Linda Skugge, in order to see what kind of rhetorical means she uses to get her message across. It is also to examine if, and to what extent, these means are of female nature, and to see what kind of persona Skugge uses in order to be trustworthy.Method: Rhetorical analysis of ten columns written by Linda SkuggeMain results: The study has shown that Skugge´s rhetorical strategies differ from the ones recommended in theories about female speech. Skugge writes with a lot of character and emotionally based arguments, which, according to the theories, is more of a male way of speaking. Skugge gives an impression of being strong, competitive and offensive in her character, but also reveals that her role is consciously chosen in order to receive respect and to gain power.Number of pages: 42Course: Media- and Communication studies DUniversity: Department of Information science, University of UppsalaPeriod: Spring 2005Tutor: Amelie HössjerKeywords: rhetoric, rhetorical analysis, feminist studies, persona, Linda Skugge.

I denna uppsats utforskar jag hur heterosexuella feministiska kvinnors sexuella praktik förhåller sig å ena sidan till den heterosexuella institutionen och å andra sidan till feminismen. I detta syfte har jag intervjuat fyra heterosexuella feministiska kvinnor om deras erfarenheter av sex. Med den teoretiska utgångspunkten att det på ett övergripande plan råder en konflikt mellan feminismen som ideologi och heterosexualiteten som institution undersöker jag hur denna spänning tar sig uttryck i kvinnornas enskilda sexuella praktik.Jag stödjer mig på teoretiker som Stevi Jackson, Sandra Bartky och Michel Foucault.Jag kommer fram till att kvinnorna har ett ambivalent förhållningssätt till att vara både heterosexuell och feminist. Konflikter uppstår i deras sexuella praktik och det sker ett kontinuerligt förhandlande mellan vad jag kallar heteropatriarkala och feministiska imperativ, inom kvinnorna själva och i deras interaktion med omvärlden..

Sexual violence in armed conflict is not a new phenomenon. Although it has a long history, it's only in recent years from 1990 that is has been given more attention in science and media. I will in my thesis look at the conflicts of former Yugoslavia and Congo (DRC) and I will use two theories to investigate how the use of conflict-related sexual violence best can be explained. The two theoretical frameworks I have chosen are Feminist theory and Rational Choice theory. The conflicts will be at the center of analysis.

This thesis analyzes how homonationalist and heteroactivist discourses are reproduced in the Sweden Democrats political communication between 2022 and 2025. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the study examines a selection of key texts, including two Almedalen speeches by the party leader Jimmie ?kesson (2022, 2024), an extraction from a report produced by the party, and a parliamentary motion. The study is theoretically grounded in scholarship on homonationalism, heteroaktivism and populist radical right nationalism. It investigates how gender, sexuality and religion are discursively mobilized to define national belonging and construct boundaries between ?us? and ?the other?.

It is the aim of this paper to examine, and analyze at a discursive level, the Swedish Democrats' interpretation of the term 'human rights', as this is presented in the material available on the party's official website. The goal is then to investigate in what manner the party portrays its political ambitions in relation to 'human rights'. The theoretical foundation for this analysis is discourse theory as it is presented in the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.Furthermore, the aim is also to examine whether the Swedish Democrats? interpretation of 'human rights' is compatible with the established understanding of the term, such as this is presented in the international UN treaties on human rights. This will be done by thoroughly examining and comparing certain aspects of the Swedish Democrats' political ambitions, such as they have been portrayed in the analytical section of the paper, with relevant sections of the UN treaties..

This paper analyses what effect an application of a specific poststructural feminist theory has on the Swedish classification system SAB. The purpose is to study if it is possible to open up the current representation of gender towards a more multiple one. The study is both theoretical and empirical. The theoretical part include a short presentation of both classification theory and feminist theory. The study also presents the critic that poststructual feminists submit.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how gender in Islam and Hinduism are described in textbooks for high school. The study was conducted using a qualitative content analysis and also using a feminist gender theory and postcolonial feminist theory. All textbooks are written or revised after 2011 when The Swedish National Agency for Educations? new curriculum came into force. Previous research in this area shows that it is most common that gender is treated in isolated parts within the chapters, but that there are textbooks that allows the gender perspective permeate the entire text.

BackgroundPolitics in some ways has always been about communication and marketing. In Sweden some people believe that communication and meaningful relations with the voters are of no value, instead it is the political content that is of importance. Media evolution has changed the conditions of political marketing; this has meant that the choices of the right communication channels in political marketing have become more important today than ever. Political competition in Sweden has become more even in recent years, this has called for political communication and marketing to be more planed and well thought out. Political parties have therefore begun to spend millions on marketing themselves.

As the numbers of immigrants to Sweden and the EU are ever increasing even the right-wing populist parties grow faster in number. Sweden, Germany and France are three European countries that receive 90 percent of all asylum seekers and should therefore have a well-established and talked about immigration policy one can think. Yet the political parties in Sweden do not mention much about the immigration policy apart from the political party Sweden Democrats. This study aims to analyze eight different political parties in the Swedish parliament through a textual analysis to see what kind of immigration policy they share. Carl Dahlström has a theory to determine what type of policy a certain party has and whether they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants.

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media?s role in the democratic society. The essay?s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay?s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers.

This essay examines whether feminist theory can give a plausible answer to the question: does female and male students have different attitudes towards the labour market and towards wages? Further more, I examine if factors such as class and ethnicity affect student's attitudes. These questions are investigated through a quantitative study of students at four educations on two different universities in Sweden. Two of the educations have a high degree of female students, and the other two represent educations with at high degree of male students.The main conclusion is based on the quantitative research results. Female and male student's attitudes are similar in some cases.

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism.

Today, many regard the Democratic and the Republican Party in the US to be significantly different than prior with regard to changed rhetoric and changed political world. This reason alone is enough to make an interesting research question how democratic and republican presidents view ?economic freedom? based on Robert Nozick, John Rawls and Isaiah Berlins perception of economic freedom. The research question therefore relies on how present presidents view economic freedom compared to how past presidents view economic freedom with Nozick, Rawls and Berlin as emphasizers within the theory. This is performed with the use of by Marie Demker?s coined the is-should-do-scheme, being an analytical tool providing from the empirical material the first State of the Union speech by the selected president where the presidents view on reality (is), uthopia (should) and strategy (do) is presented.

The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King CarlXVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000?s. More exactly I?ve got two question formulations:Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000?s and are thesestatements, in line with the king?s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversialaccording to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find anyboundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself inthe role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000?s. My procedure is to read theChristmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000?s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVIGustaf to seek answers to the research questions.