After the last election Sweden has got a government that claims to be feminist. This thesis discusses whether the change of labels has also brought along policy formulated in a feminist way, arguing that the way policy is expressed affects how people see a certain problem. Three policy proposals are analysed, and in only one case the government seems to have been influenced by feminist ideas. The other proposals partly support claims made by new institutionalism that norms and routines in an organisation work to resist policy change, but also shows that feminist ideas are resisted more actively. The fact that so called policy entrepreneurs was present in the policy process at a certain period in time, probably counts for one explanation to the exceptional policy.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy ? ?right to work fulltime?. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and Feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; women´s political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about ?right to work fulltime?.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

The purpose of my work is to understand and examine the reasons why Ethiopia has not developed a larger decline of female genital mutilation, despite their ban on it? A ban that has been operating for ten years should reasonably have reached a greater change than the one Ethiopia has developed today. Based on two different branches of feminist theory, the liberal feminist theory and radical feminist theory, I will try to understand the potential power relationship that can be a immense reason for Ethiopia's continued practice with regard to female genital mutilation. I will examine the liberal feminist approach when it comes to seeing the state as the source of the balance of power that generate inequality in the world between men and women. I will also apply the radical feminist theory on my case study and understand the problem of patriarchy and its already set roles for men and women that we are following in the society today, resulting in gender inequality. The result shows that the radical feminist approach with patriarchy as essential explanation, which articulates that because of ancient traditions and the exercise of power, the amendment must be the changing of power relations between men and women in the private sphere rather than the liberal feminist approach which applies that the state repair the problem..

In Sweden, a new feminist political party (?Feministiskt initiativ?) was founded in 2005. The main objective of this thesis is to study the reasons and driving forces behind the establishment of the party, as well as to explain the timing of its foundation in 2005. The theories that are used in the study are focused on the individual founders, and the empirical material comprise in essence of interviews with founders.The study reveals that several individuals, as well as political movements were involved in the process of the party establishment. Various interacting factors influenced the founders to choose the strategy of setting up a political party.

This thesis revolves around NATO?s role in the Ukraine crisis with the startpoint in 2014. Specifically, through conducting a qualitative content analysis of various NATO related material, a study regarding NATO?s security strategy and defense strategy, and the strategies' implications and roles in the Ukraine crisis, was able to be conducted. The purpose was to obtain an understanding of how NATO?s strategy has been interpreted and implemented in relation to the crisis.

This bachelor thesis is a study of the European Union as a role model in the world. Its main focus is to answer the question ?In what respects did the European Union (EU) work as a model at the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR)?? By doing so it hopes to shed some light on how other unions in the world contemplate the EU. The method is partly theoretical and partly empirical. In the theoretical part, the thesis discusses in what respects the African Union and the Union of South American Nations might and might not be similar to the European Union.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how theory and practice intertwines through theactivism of the feminist punk performance collective Pussy Riot. I have also focussed on the political tools with which the activism is performed. Within the academic context of gender studies, I believe there is a need for research that aims to reduce the gap between scholarly and activist feminism. The theoretical framework for the analysis in this essay consists of material feminist theory and postmodern theory. The empirical material is a diversified assemblage of images, court excerpts, newspaper columns, interviews, lyrics and videos.

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur ordet feminist är laddat och hur ordet används. Redan nu föreslår några att ordet bör bytas ut, i korpusarna från Språkbanken använde några skribenter humanist eller jämställdist istället för ordet feminist. För att se hur ordet har ändrats över tid har jag använt mig av tre olika korpusar från Språkbankens textkorpus Korp. De tre korpusarna som har varit materialet är: Bloggmix 2004, Bloggmix 2009 samt Bloggmix 2014.Jag gjorde en innehållsanalys där jag konstruerade ett analysinstrument som användes på samtliga material. Sammanfattningen är att ordet feminist är väldigt laddat, både i positiv samt i negativ bemärkelse.

This thesis is a discourse theory analysis of two feminist anthologies - Det heter feminism! and F- ordet.  By analyzing these texts through the three categories feminism & feminists, gender equality & equality and sex/gender & sexuality I have raised questions about the feminist debate in Sweden in the 21st century.The discourse theory?s ideas of descriptions of reality and fixation of meaning lies as a foundation for this thesis. The concepts of social constructionism, post structuralism and essentialism/anti essentialism are central for the analysis as well as concepts connected to the three previously mentioned categories.The intention of this thesis is to describe and analyze a fraction of the Swedish feminist debate in the 21st century and discuss its meaning in a societal context. A number of conclusions were reached in the final discussion.

The essay begins by asserting that the theoretical approaches of men?s violence against women are just as important to study as its extent. The purpose is therefore to analyse and compare two theoretical approaches which is done by a comparative text analysis of two texts written on the subject. The essay attempts to answer two questions; what the theoretical approaches are and how they can be understood in light of feminist theory.Previous research on men?s violence against women discuss especially three theoretical aspects.

This thesis aims to examine the possibility of understanding social change by using new institutionalism approaches on a specific case, The case, which describes the implementation of new public management reform in the Swedish health care system, is analysed from two separate new institutionalismperspectives; the tool perspective and the symbol perspective. These approaches differ from one another in the sense that the first relies on a rational choice ontology, while the latter rather refers to a sociological tradition. In the analysis, causal explanations as well as aim related explanations are presented. Formative moments such as economic stagnation, non-socialist governments and ideological isomorfism are presented as important factors behind the reformation. By using the tool perspective, the motives of the idea spreading and reformation of the Swedish health care system, are connected to a strictly rationalbasis such as cost efficiency and quality improvements.

This essay examines how non-swedish feminist activists look upon the conditions of their work, in relation to the broader context of womens activism in Sweden. It focuses on relationships between feminist activists and their organisations, on issues of cooperation and also on activists definitions of the concept of feminism. Activists from two different non-swedish womens organisations, both located in Stockholm, have been interviewed. Consequenses of intersections of race, class and gender connected to womens activism have been analysed. Through an intersectional analysis the authour tries to answer questions regarding the positions of womens organisations, relationsships between them, definitions of feminism and the possibilities of cooperations - to shed a light on the power relations of womens organisations in Sweden..

The Common Agricultural Policy has been a burning topic for debate for severaldecades. According to the CAP:s opponents it's effects include pollution, market distortionsand not least a huge expense for the European union.In this study we seek to explain why the CAP has remained almostunreformed since it's constitution in the 1950:s. The means by which we do so isa case study where we analyze the CAP by using three different theories; liberalinter-governmentalism, realistic trade theory and new institutionalism.In the final chapter we conclude that the theories complement each other. Newinstitutionalism explains the rigidity of the CAP. The liberal perspective explainsthe origin and the logic behind the policy whereas the realistic point of view putsthe policy in the light of an international economic theory and recognizes nationalpolicy makers roll in the inflexibility of the CAP..

The European Union's long-term budget negotiations during the summer of 2005 were obstructed from being successful due to a quite fierceful debate about the future guidelines of the Common Agricultural Policy. A quarrel about money and who gets what, was the common answer as to why it took the European leaders six months to accept the budget, and quite rightfully. This essay, however, goes beneath those explanations and tries to see what other reasons there might be for such a phenomena.With a new institutionalistic approach this study seeks to see what underlying reasons for why an institution such as CAP is so resistant to change. With special attention to the new historical institutionalism and the rational choice institutionalism the study successfully shows that though the front laying reasons to the problems with the budget might have been economical, several other factors also affected the outcome of the budget negotiations.Structures, national identity and decisions taken when outlining the Common Agricultural Policy in the 1960's still affect the European union, its members and foremost of all, the Policy/institution itself..