This essay examines migration paths through Sweden. There has been a debate in August 2010 that Sweden is regarded as a backdoor for non European immigrants to come over Denmark. It has been discovered through Denmark?s statistics and is regarded as negative by the Danish government. Denmark and Sweden are two countries that are socio- , economically- and culturally similar, but went in two different directions, especially with immigration policy.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

This essay focuses on the Sweden Democrat?s migration policy and its evolution from 1989 up until today. The purpose of this study is to longitudinally examine the party's migration policy proposals to see if, and how, the political ideas have changed over time. Idea analysis has been used as method, and the texts have been analyzed by using three dimensions. Depending on the outcome in the three dimensions, one out of eight political types is possible.

Citizenship and immigration policy are controversial aspects of the European integration project. Fourteen years ago Roger Brubaker stated that the vital differences between German and French citizenship policy were unthinkable to harmonise. This paper therefore seeks to investigate whether the old image of the two countries are accurate. By evaluating citizenship and immigration policies in today's context with the increasing influence of European Union policy I here present a more correct picture of the situation in both countries. Partly to see how the harmonisation has come this far.

As the numbers of immigrants to Sweden and the EU are ever increasing even the right-wing populist parties grow faster in number. Sweden, Germany and France are three European countries that receive 90 percent of all asylum seekers and should therefore have a well-established and talked about immigration policy one can think. Yet the political parties in Sweden do not mention much about the immigration policy apart from the political party Sweden Democrats. This study aims to analyze eight different political parties in the Swedish parliament through a textual analysis to see what kind of immigration policy they share. Carl Dahlström has a theory to determine what type of policy a certain party has and whether they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants.

During the last years around 100 000 immigrants have arrived to Sweden, people with different reasons and different goals for settling down in Sweden. The reason for immigrating to Sweden that will be dealt with in this thesis is following immigration, i.e. when someone moves here because they have relatives living in the country.The reason why it is interesting to study following immigration is that it is an affecting factor for how many that will immigrate to Sweden the following years and may then be used to make a forecast, based on how many first time immigrants there are. To be able to investigate the following immigration analyses are made with time series, logistic regression and Poisson regression. An ARIMA-model has been used to estimate the number of following immigrants in the future.The other part of this thesis will inquire the matter how inclined immigrants are to become Swedish citizens, whether they even apply for citizenship and also how long time it takes from the time when they fulfil the conditions for Swedish citizenship until they apply.

With varied electoral success for anti-immigration parties across Western Europe, Sweden is often held as an example where anti-immigration parties have been less successful. This have caught the interest of many scientists around the world and have recently developed theories on a subnational level when testing Sweden?s municipalities, on why they have failed here but not in other countries. But in the election to 2010, Sweden now joins the rest of the Western-European countries in having an anti-immigrations party in the parliament.This paper has tested three theories on a Municipality that has shown evident support for the Sweden democrats, both in the local and the national election. This is done with a qualitative approach, made up from interviews with the local established parties.

What is an economic crime? Who is an economic criminal? How do we speak of the phenomenon and what does they way we speak mean? The immediate result of the study is that there is a stereotype image of the economic criminal that is produced within peoples speech. This image contains characteristics that bring the subject, the economic criminal, far away from the traditional crime subject, and brings it closer to a non-criminal subject. This motion render possible that economic criminals can talk of themselves as ?not bad people?, ?normal? and ?like everyone else?.

The present study discusses the political integration of immigrants in local government in the muncipality of Växjö from 1971 to 1991 in the form of representation. The main data source consists of lists of people holding local commissions of trust in the various boards and committés appointed by the municipality council, as well as in the council itself. These data are then compared to population statistics from Statistics Sweden. Main findings of the study are that immigrants are insufficiently represented in relation to their proportion of the population. It is suggested that this is a result of structural discrimination and possibly insufficient socialisation..

This thesis focuses on the perception of immigration and refugees in the commonEuropean refugee and immigration policy. It identifies different discourses andstudies their development and interrelated power structures.Using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, documents from theEuropean Council, the Commission, the Justice and Home Affairs Council andParliament debates are analysed. The study is defined in the time span of 1999-2006, i.e. from the European Council's first agreement on developing a commonEuropean asylum system, following the period up till today.Four discourses are distinguished, focusing respectively on rights, security,European Union's needs, and cultural identity. I use Sandra Lavenex theory ofrealism and idealism to analyse one of the main points in the thesis: There is afundamental schism between the one rights-based discourse, focusing on universalhuman rights, and the three sharing a particularistic focus on immigration as asecurity concern.

This thesis examines immigration policy and the problematic of the surveillance society, by analyzing the movies V for Vendetta and Children of Men. In the thesis we use visual analysis, and the theories of Michel Foucault and Nikolas Rose. Central questions to our thesis are how the movies interpret the present time, and how they have chosen to depict the surveillance society to problematize the current immigration policies. We have used thematic analysis to illustrate these questions..

Identity and immigration                                                                                                            - A qualitative study with unaccompanied refugee children Jennie Hamberg Larsson and Matthew McNeillThe main purpose of this study is to illuminate and describe how unaccompanied refugee children experience changes and reconstructions to their identity after immigration to Sweden. Using qualitative interviews this study looks at how social relationships in Sweden and a foreign background influence the reconstruction of unaccompanied refugee children´s identity. The base for our analysis is identity theory while roll concepts, social identity theory and concepts of ethnic and national identity are used to give deeper insight into the experiences of three unaccompanied refugee children. Important results found included a connection between the way that identity is formed in relationships, especially with significant others, in the country of origin and how reconstruction of identity develops in the new country with new social relationships. Furthermore the results showed how this reconstruction of identity can be linked to different acculturation strategies that incorporate the importance of an ethnic identity and a national identity.Keywords: identity, ethnic identity, unaccompanied children, immigration.

?Problemet? immigration i ?möjligheternas? EU är en uppsats som ämnar analysera EU:s immigrations- och asylpolitik. Materialet består av olika policydokument, utgivna av EU-kommissionen. Det är en diskursanalys med syfte att söka urskilja bakomliggande mönster för den politik som formuleras i texterna. Diskursanalysen vilken är en breddad typ av textanalys utgör uppsatsens metod.

The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyzeWith help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society.My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom.

As scholars argue, there has been a rapid diffusion of civic integration policies in Western Europe the last decade. In the light of the debate about the extent of civic integration policies, recent studies have shown that the diffusion is limited to certain countries. Despite a flurry of literature based on civic integration policies, attention drawn to the implication of these policies has been quite inferior. This paper tries to examine what civic integration policies means in relation to immigration. Are civic integration policies used as an informal tool for the purpose of limiting certain groups of immigrants? I argue in this paper that the conditional factor in the civic integration policies creates a barrier for affected immigrants and their possibilities to gain long term residence.