This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe?s discourse theory are used to study how categories as ?us? and ?the other? are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity.

The aim of this master thesis was to examine the European Commission's information resources from a user perspective in order to clarify the needs and circumstances of the search of EU-information among students at Örebro University. 41 students participated in a survey, and four of them was interviewed. On the basis of Pendelton- and Chatmans theories of information behaviour in small worlds, it were assumed that the students' education and citizenship in the European Union affected their needs and the search of EU information.The study showed that the students needs for EU-related information has increased, with the current education, but also been linked to earlier educations. The students Citizens need were mainly associated with elections such as the EMU-election, but also in some cases to a need of the general knowledge.A review of the European Commission's information resources were made with an emphasis on European Documentation Centre, EDC. The survey showed that most students used the EDC and the EU-databases that was made available by the European Commission through the EDC and the university library but were not aware that they used EDC.The survey also showed that students made use of familiar sources and resources when they searched the EU-information, such as the library's regular database list, the library catalogue and search engine on the internet are not requested of other resources.

The overall purpose with this thesis has been to study the strategic development of the Swedish Green Party, Miljöpartiet de Gröna. From its first appearance in the Swedish parliament 1988 to its decision to cooperate with the Social Democrats and the Left Party in 1998, the Greens has gone from a radical antiparty to a pragmatic support party. The analysis has concentrated towards identifying the causal factors behind this strategic move made by the Greens, and to determine how this party change has affected the party's strategic goals. In order to do so, a qualitative case study has been conducted where an integrated theoretical approach has been used. By studying official statements and internal debates the thesis concludes that the strategic change made by the Greens was due to the evolvement of a new dominant coalition of within the party.

Climate change is a phenomenon that know no boundaries. While focus on environment and climate change has become highly prioritized, nationalism has spread across Europe. Nationalism is by many considered to refuse action to combat climate change although some argue that nationalism could combat global climate change. Previous research on how nationalism is implemented in environment and climate politics has mainly focused on single parties. The thesis therefore aims to give a broad approach and compare how nationalism is used in environment and climate politics by analyzing 4 European parties with either ethnic or civic nationalism and different roles in their party system. With a qualitative content analysis on party programs and election manifestos the findings imply that parties use nationalism in the climate and environment discourse in a variety of ways.

Den 25 maj 2014 valde Sverige, likt resterande medlemsländer inom EU, parlamentariker till Europaparlamentet för perioden 2014-2019. Detta val tenderar att engagera långt färre väljare än nationella parlamentsval trots att det är ett av få reella verktyg en väljare har att påverka EU:s arbete och inriktning. Fenomenet kan exemplifieras med Sverige som i riksdagsvalet 2010 uppnådde ett valdeltagande på 84,63% av den röstberättigade befolkningen, men i valet till Europaparlamentet 2009 röstade endast 45.3%. Generellt i EU röstar 20 procentenheter färre i valet till Europaparlamentet. I och med valet 2004 föll det sammanlagda valdeltagandet till under 50 % för första gången.I boken ?What?s wrong with the European union & how to fix it? påvisar Simon Hix denna problematik och kallar Europaparlaments-valet ett ?second-order election?.

The appointing of Swedish governmental officials has gone through a dramatic change the last nine years. The tradition of officials appointed due to their political experience has been traded against the appointing of experts. In this study I ask questions about this new way of appointing representatives effects how these officials interpret their role. An official that who has never been in the party before appointed, obviously cannot consider the principal of party. With the theoretical approach of normative representation theory (representational style) I perform case studies that shows some change.

Det svenska väljarbeteendet har förändrats med åren. Allt fler byter mellan olika partier och beslutet för vart rösten hamnar tas allt senare in i valrörelsen. Medierna är medborgarnas främsta källa till information och den lokala dagstidningen är den källa som flest människor använder sig av. Då orienteringsbehovet är som störst bland medborgarna, som i samband med val, ökar mediernas makt att påverka. I denna studie var syftet att undersöka hur lokala medier gestaltar den politiska rapporteringen i samband med valrörelser, hur det journalistiska förhållningssättet såg ut och om det skett någon förändring över tid.

Abstract Before the choice of upper secondary school in the ninth grade, young people need to have knowledge of themselves and the world. In this tough choice, the parents are the main support. The supporting role, which are their thoughts on how much they influence in their children?s choice of study? Based on these issues, we seek the answer to the question; which vision have the parents on their involvement in their children's choice of upper secondary school? Which visions have the parents on the impact on their children's upper secondary school? Do the parents think that the children's upbringing has influenced their choices? Young people's career decisions take place in interaction with their parents and with very different cultural, economic, social and symbolic capital. The concepts are Pierre Bourdieu's theory that intends to be our toolbox for this thesis.

This thesis analyses the rise and fall of social movements. Social movementsfunctions in the civil society, by contentious collective action they form identities,mobilize their forces and use repertoires of contentions to make new or previouslyunaccepted claims. They function in a limited timeframe, sooner or later they getinstitutionalized, marginalised or succumb into violence. The landless movementin Brazil is one of the most profound social movements in the world; their majorgoal is a land reform. Since the leftwing president Lula da Silva won the Brazilianelection in 2002 the president has been unable to live up to the expectations fromthe landless movement about implementing a land reform.

AbstractSince the 2006 election the country of Sweden is governed by four Liberal and Conservative parties. Parties that by cooperating maintain power in office and forms a so called coalition. A coalition that not only can be seen at the national but also at the local level. According to pervious research coalitions that holds control of the seats in the government at the national level tends to increase the total expenditures compared to other types of government formations. Can a similar connection be seen at the local level? This the fundamental issue of this essay.

Right-wing populism has through the past decades flourished in several countries in Europe. Research has shown that right-wing populism is, with its political starting point in ?the people?, focusing on the majority and is sometimes excluding the minorities from the politics. Since human rights regulations are mainly a protection of minority rights, the aim is to examine if the politics of the Sweden Democrats, as a case of a growing right-wing populist party, is a threat to human rights and in that case, in what respects. The thesis is supposed to answer the question in what respects the politics of the Sweden Democrats contravene with the European Convention?s protection of minority rights.

Abstract Mona Sahlin's dishwasher decides the election! Maybe. How journalism portraits politics is at least not fully objective with focus on societal matters. There is also a change over time indicating an up-going trend of less objective journalism. Other results of this case study indicates that politicians are more inclined to participate in journalism than before and that politics presented as scandal is increasing.The aim of this study is to investigate objectivity in political journalism over time. Using the quantitative content-analyses the study encoded 600 journalistic articles subjecting politics in the Swedish society.

AbstractMedia presents hate crimes and nationalism as phenomenon that has increased both internationally and nationally in recent years. Further media largely pair these phenomenon together. The groups mostly exposed to hate and nationalism are people of different ethnic origin and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi, trans and queer) people. In Sweden's general election in 2010 a RHP-party, Sweden Democrats, made it in to Parliament. The purpose of this study was to examine how hate crimes and nationalism, in the form of the Sweden Democrats, has increased in Sweden and if there was any link between them.

This study reflects on the swedish model and the models future. The swedish modelmeans that legisilation acts with the collective agreements . The wage issue is notregulated by law instead it is managed by the social partners in the form of collectiveagreements. In 2008, a report was presented by the Commission on a joint regulation ofthe minimum wage for all EU countries. The issue has become increasinglycontroversial and was especially disccused for the election of candidates to theEuropean Parlament last spring.

Titel: I fädrens spår för framtids valsegrar - En kvalitativ studie om valaffischeringens roll i den lokala valkampanjenFo?rfattare: Daniel Hermansson & Albin NordinHandledare: Nicklas HåkanssonUppdragsgivare: Göteborgs universitetKurs: Examensarbete i Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskapInstitution: Institutionen fo?r journalistik, medier och kommunikation, JMGSidantal: 47 (inklusive abstract, referenslista och bilagor)Antal ord: 17346Syfte: Studiens syfte a?r att undersöka hur svenska partiers kommunala valledare ser på valaffischens roll i en alltmer professionaliserad och medialiserad politisk kommunikation.Metod: Den kvalitativa samtalsintervjunMaterial: Studien bygger pa? sex samtalsintervjuer med valledare i tva? kommuner.Huvudresultat: Vår studie visar på att valaffischering i mångt och mycket upprätthålls av traditioner och förväntningar på hur en valrörelse ska se ut. Affischeringen upplevs som resurskrävande och det är ofta de personella resurserna som sätter ramarna för omfattningen. De lokala partiföreningarna gynnas av att partierna centralt har professionaliserats och är imånga fall beroende av stöd uppifrån. Man hanterar ändå affischeringen på ett professionellt sätt med målgruppsanpassning och en insikt om betydelsen av en lokal valkampanj som budskapsmässigt och grafiskt harmonierar med den nationella.