The implementation of integration policy has in recent times been a major problem for the municipal administrations in Swedish municipalities. The concept of integration is considered to be very diffuse, difficult to apply and implement the following decisions. To understand the concept of integration is the first step, followed by understanding its complexity in an organization.In this study, I focus on studying the implementation of integration policies for integration work with Kalmar Municipality as a case study. I am using Lundquist's implementation theory about understanding, able and willing. The survey consists primarily of interviews but also a certain document to get a perspective on how integration policy has gone into integration work with the hypothesis that it is the understanding that weaknesses of the officials in the implementation of integration policies.

Open access (OA) is a publishing model aimed at increasingthe access to academic research results. The object of thisstudy was to contrast nine colleges and four fundingorganizations in Scandinavia with mandatory OA-policies,and to study how they put OA into practice.Inspired by the Open Access Spectrum (OAS), a tool used toappreciate the OA of academic journals, the aim was tograde the policy documents of the colleges using the OASmodel.The study also compares how the colleges implementtheir OA-policies as well as how, and if, the demands fromthe funding organizations are reflected in the policies of thecolleges.The findings show that the OAS is not a tool designed forgreen OA and that all the information needed for the scale tofunction was not found in the policy documents we studied.A selection of the colleges has some demands in theirpolicies, although most of them allow exceptions to be madefrom the mandatory policy. This is shown to be mainly aquestion of academic freedom, and copyright, or rather thanthe degree to which the scientist and the publisher can cometo an agreement on allowing the information to be accessiblethrough OA.The study proposes that the way to change this may be toincrease the demands on OA in the policies, and that the bestsolution might be in stipulations within the employmentcontracts between the individual colleges and scientist..

The transport sector is one of the biggest pollutants in the European Union. In relation to transport policies and environmental policies, intermodal transportation solutions are of high relevance to establish a sustainable transport sector for the future. Intermodality which is defined as smooth transition between transport modes is a key figure for how modal shares are divided between the modes of transportation. The aim of this bachelor?s thesis is to examine the research gap whether policies intended for a specific transport mode affects each other in relation to EU policies intended for intermodality.

The main aim of this study is to examine the development policies of Sweden and the European Union from a postcolonial perspective. Sweden and the European Union are increasingly coming to be viewed as normative powers rather than military powers. So how does the colonial past of the western societies affect the policies of today? Are there any signs of the power structures of the past, and if so, how are these power structures manifested in the development policies of today? Since both Sweden and the European Union have come to be viewed as normative powers they are compared with each other to highlight their similarities and differences. The results of the study shows that both Sweden and the European Union can be seen as carriers of western values and interests.

This thesis treats the development of the European Union asylum- and migration politics and the EU member states transfer of authority to the European Union. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of theory of neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism on the European Union case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: How has the political development within EU asylum and migration policy developed through the period of The Single European Act to the ratification of the Stockholm program? And how can the chosen theory explain European countries transfer of national decision regarding asylum policy in favor of a supranational European asylum policy? Based on the available material of European Union programs and harmonization measures for this area I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union?s development in the area of the asylum and migration politics can be explained through the theories of neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union development of the area of the asylum and migration policy and also a series of explanations according to the theories regarding the member states transfer of authority to the EU.

Att studera de ekonomiska effekterna av migration är tyvärr ett för stort ämne för den är uppsatsen så vi har valt ut vissa delar av detta ämne att studera och i möjlig mån undersöka hur dessa effekter påverkar Sverige. De effekter som behandlas är effekter på tillväxt för utvandrarländer när högutbildade emigrerar och hur invandrarlandets arbetsmarknad påverkas av immigration. Vi har undersökt både teoretisk och empirisk litteratur och sedan jämfört slutsatser som dragits på internationella data med de förhållanden som råder för Sverige. Våra slutsatser är att en liten utflyttning av högutbildad arbetskraft kan medföra en positiv effekt på humankapitalsnivån i ett utvecklingsland under vissa omständigheter. Effekterna på arbetsmarknaden i invandrarlandet är omtvistade men enligt de senaste empiriska undersökningarna medför en högre invandrartäthet i en yrkesgrupp negativ påverkan för arbetskraften i denna yrkesgrupp.yrkesgrupp..

This essay is focused on Öland during the Iron Age, with focus specifically on the Roman Iron Age and the Migration period. The study takes its starting point in the large number of fortifications that was active across Öland at the time. The essays main area of investigation will be the central and southern parts of Öland as the fortifications, together with other parts of the Iron Age society around them such as graves and settlement, will be presented. The landscape in which the fortifications and their surroundings are placed will also be described. With the Migration Period being a keyword for almost all the fortifications on Öland, the subject will also be to describe if any sort of change can be seen in the settlement patterns during this unstable and troubled time.

The main aim of this study is to examine the development policies of Sweden and the European Union from a postcolonial perspective. Sweden and the European Union are increasingly coming to be viewed as normative powers rather than military powers. So how does the colonial past of the western societies affect the policies of today? Are there any signs of the power structures of the past, and if so, how are these power structures manifested in the development policies of today? Since both Sweden and the European Union have come to be viewed as normative powers they are compared with each other to highlight their similarities and differences. The results of the study shows that both Sweden and the European Union can be seen as carriers of western values and interests.

This essay is a comparative study on Migration period ring forts, centered on Sandbyborg, a ringfort situated on the southeastern shore of the Baltic island of Öland.Furthermore this essay focuses on the contemporary Iron Age society, and thestrategical implications of the ringforts in their function as fortifications. Certaininternational comparisons are made, in particular regarding the fortifications in theRoman empire..

This comparative case study, which is based on a most similar system design,investigates why the Chávez government has attained a lower degree of democracy than the Kirchner and the Lula governments. In order to develop asupplementary theory about why governments in general achieve various degrees of democracy I compare these governments and examine what policies that differ them and why. My results show that these governments? policies differ concerning the rule of law, militarization, and negotiations with economic groups and anti-regime parts of civil society. I have found numerous answers to why some of these governments (and governments in general) have democratic policies within these four areas and why some do not.

The aim of this study was to investigate the individual meaning of experiences of migration and day-to day life experiences before and after migration, of women that had migrated from the Middle-east area to Sweden. This was to be done with a psychological health perspective looking for stressors and salutogenic factors. A phenomenological approach was used. Eleven women where interviewed with three open questions on a trajectory theme. The analysis was supported by software Sphinx Lexica and software MCA-Minerva.

Mellan år 1845-1930 utvandrade ca 1,3 miljoner svenskar. Hallands län tillhörde de län som förlorade flest invånare till följd av emigrationen. Halmstad var länets enda industrialiserade ort, tillika länets residensstad.Den svenska massemigrationen förknippas i hög grad med Nordamerika, men emigrationen från Halmstad gick även i stor omfattning till vårt grannland Danmark och, i någon mån till Tyskland.Syftet med denna studie är att studera kvinnornas utrikes migration, med utgångspunkt i Halmstad, för att se vilka kvinnor som migrerade, vart de migrerade, i vilket sällskap de migrerade, och i vilken utsträckning de migrerade. Resultaten kompareras även med manlig utrikes migration. Materialet som används är till största del primärmaterial från Halmstads församlings in och utflyttningslängder.Studier av Halmstads kyrkoböckers in- och utflyttningslängder har bland annat visat, att man i hög grad emigrerade till Danmark och Amerika, men inte till Tyskland, och att det främst var ensamstående unga kvinnor ur det sociala lägre skikten som migrerade.

The common asylum and migration policy of the European Union is a struggle between a strong belief in the protection of human rights and the need of strong and secured borders. This paper highlights the dilemma that occurs in the common asylum and migration policy of the European Union. What happens when the union have to choose between liberal standards with high priorities to human rights and a realistic focus on security? The aim is to study the asylum policy presented in the Stockholm Program, and thereafter evaluate what kind of character the union has itself. By an ideal type analysis of the Stockholm program from 2009, the common asylum policy is divided into either liberal or realistic ideas.

The main aim of this study is to examine the development policies of Sweden and the European Union from a postcolonial perspective. Sweden and the European Union are increasingly coming to be viewed as normative powers rather than military powers. So how does the colonial past of the western societies affect the policies of today? Are there any signs of the power structures of the past, and if so, how are these power structures manifested in the development policies of today? Since both Sweden and the European Union have come to be viewed as normative powers they are compared with each other to highlight their similarities and differences. The results of the study shows that both Sweden and the European Union can be seen as carriers of western values and interests.

Swedish migration law states that a person who wants to seek a residence permit based on family ties has to apply from the home country. This essay applies to cases when families that live in Sweden have to come apart when one parent has to return to the home country to seek a permit to which he or she is entitled.The rule causes families unnecessary suffering. This essay analyzes the reasons behind the rule and argues that it is compatible neither with Swedish policy of children's rights and gender equality nor with the international conventions that have been ratified.Furthermore, it is investigated whether the migration authorities act in compli-ance with the intentions behind the law. It is concluded that the Migration Board, despite their own critique of the rule, makes an unnecessarily restrictive interpre-tation. This results in a situation where no one takes responsibility for the conse-quences for the affected families.