The purpose of this study is to overlook Nordic medias news coverage and framing of Norwegian mass murderer Anders Behring Breivik. The study is based on printed editions of Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten, Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter and the Finnish newspaper Hufvudstadsbladet set on nine selected dates related to the issue between July 23th 2011 to August 25th 2012.   The study will display how Breivik was framed by each of the Nordic newspapers and even the total amount of news coverage the issue has been given. The media framing part of the study will mainly focus on the media framing of Breiviks personality and political ideology. The study will also investigate each newspapers handling of Breiviks manifesto, which he published only hours before killing 77 people on July 22th 2011. The study is a quantitative content analysis, containing a total number of 245 articles.

The socialdemokrats? long possession of government power from the 1930?s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Folkpartiet´s view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy.

The question of direct citizen participation in politics and administration is a contestable one. Its proponents claim that it has positive consequences even for the more "traditional", representative democracy, since participation leads to an increased political knowledge and increased political interest, and thus creates a revitalised democracy. Critical voices have however been raised to the validity of this claim. Critics have also pointed out direct participation as problematic, because it leads to problems of political inequality: a difference of political influence between ? on the one hand, the citizens participating directly and those that restrict their political participation to voting, and ? on the one the other hand ? between the institutions, for example schools, that employ, and don?t employ this method of direct citizen influence.In this essay, these two points of criticisms are tested in the context of user-boards in elementary and secondary schools.

?The myth of Palme- a textual analysis of the documentary Palme and its description of the social memory of Olof Palme as a norm or anomaly? by Emma Svanström aims to analyze how the directors of the documentary Palme choose to present Olof Palme to the future generations. Also the goal is to find out if their version presents Palme as a person who followed the norms or was divergent.To this purpose the thesis use textual analysis combined with a quantitative method in search of which persons the directors give the right to form the myth of Palme and which keywords they use to do describe him. To view the film as a social memory in the transformation to a myth the thesis use Jan Assmans theory of social memory and to find out if the documentary describes Palme as following the norms or divergent it uses Mary Douglas theory of anomaly.The results show that it is mainly the narrator and Olof Palme that gets to form the myth of him but also his family, friends, fellow employees and other persons that met him or was affected by his actions. Palme is discribed as special, intelligent, interested in social politics and able to act as he saw fit even if it was against the norms.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore in what ways Franz Kafka?s ?The Metamorphosis? can be read as a story of gender. By bringing together Judith Butler?s theory of materialization and Lennard J. Davis?s crip theory I have spoken of Dismodernity as the domain of abject bodies that have been repudiated by (post)modern societies as untintelligible and dysfunctional.

Hållbar utveckling som begrepp används frekvent i dagens samhälle och är också det övergripande målet för svensk nationell strategi. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning hållbar utveckling och/eller ekologisk modernisering beskriver miljöpolicyn hos de två största politiska partierna i Sverige. Dessa två partier, Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna, tillhör varsitt partipolitiskt block med olika ideologier.Resultaten i uppsatsen visar att det finns väsentliga skillnader mellan de båda partiernas miljöpolicys som är grundade i olika politiska ideologier. Socialdemokraterna har sina rötter i frågor som demokrati, social rättvisa och välfärdsfrågor, och deras miljöpolicy överensstämmer till stor del med hållbar utveckling. Moderaterna utgår från liberalkonservativa idéer med utgångspunkt i individualism och marknadsbaserade ekonomier och deras miljöpolicy harmoniserar överlag med ekologisk modernisering.

The purpose of this study is to examine the medial depiction of Muslims in the case of Pastor Terry Jones' intention to burn the Quran. Our study is based on theoretical framework regarding an alleged clash of civilizations, how that leads to global conflicts and controls the world politics. It?s also based on the western way of characterize Muslims as violent, irrational human beings, and how mass media have a tendency to depict Muslims as ?the others?. The questions we aim to seek answers to are: How were Muslims portrayed in CNN's and Al-Jazeera's reporting regarding Terry Jones plan to burn the Quran? Which discourses exist about Muslims in each news channel and what are the main differences between them? The qualitative method used is a critical discourse analysis on empirical data consistently of twelve articles.

During the years of development in the 60s and 70s the need for new housing in Sweden arose. Sweden was going to be the most modern country in the world. This period has later been called ?the time of the big programmes?. One of the parts in this building of a welfare society was a large policy of building politics with few counterparts in history.

My purpose in this essay is to show how the staff in an institution for young women with a drug addiction, are looking at themselves as "normal" and the young women as "abnormal", and to analyse how sex and gender are made, in interaction with sexuality and class.The essay is based on interviews and a participating observation. The study is made on a compulsory institutional care institution for young women with a drug addict. To analyse the material I use theories by Beverly Skeggs and Judith Butler.In the study I show that the staff in the institution define themselves as "normal" and intend to act as models for the clients, which are described as "abnormal" in terms of being destructive, boundless and sexual. In making class and gender the staffs efforts to make clients learn domestic values and to make their bodies feminine are shown to be central processes. Sexuality is by the staff seen as something happening only between men and women, and defining relations between men and women as always sexual creates gender.A central tension that I show in the essay is that between normal and abnormal, both in relation to differences between the staff and the clients and in relation to the staffs roles as both models of normal life and of violent and violating keeps of order.

1994 drabbades Rwanda av ett folkmord vars omfattning betecknas som ett av de mest brutala i vår moderna tid. Drygt tio år senare innehar rwandiska kvinnor den högsta parlamentariska representationen i världen och har därmed gått om Sverige. I denna studie är det just kvinnors politiska deltagande som undersöks. Det analysverktyg som används i studien består av: Post-konfliktteori, Transversal politics, Critical Mass, Essentialism, Gender Mainstreaming och kvinnors empowerment. Med hjälp av dessa förklaras relevansen av, och bakgrunden till, fyra faktorer som har möjliggjort och bidragit till kvinnors politiska deltagande i Rwandas freds- och återuppbyggnad efter kriget.

The purpose with this essay is to look at how categories of "us" and "them" are created, reproduced and categorised. The areas of politics and media are in focus, though they are powerful and influential actors in generating discourses.The method is qualitative analyses of current research and analyses of discourses, contexts and resources from an intersectional perspective. Intersectionality presents a theoretical tool for complex understandings of power as it takes its point of departure in an understanding of power as multidimensional and one where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive and bearing principals. Intersectional analyses aim to understand how these dimensions are created and changed in relation to each other and how they interact with specific gender orders in specific contexts.The analyse shows that "immigrants" are in a subordinate position compared to "Swedish" when it comes to resources, contexts and discourses. The analyse indicates the relation of power between "us" and "them", where "us" have the power and with that preferential right of interpretation in discourses, contexts and resources.

Trees in urban environment are exposed to extreme conditions, foremost the ones that grow in the hard packed soil along our streets. They are also exposed to damaging insects and fungal diseases both local and new ones spreading from South Europe. The global warming with warmer temperatures provides a longer growing season, making it easier for insects and fungus to establish a habitat. Based on these facts new tree species need to be available for future urban plantings.To determine what these trees would be an interview study began. Six people were selected who have experience in the field of urban environment planting.

Followers of three world religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are waiting for the Messiah. Muslims are even waiting for aspiritual leader al-Mahdi. Two different persons claimed the title of al-Mahdi, at the end of the nineteenth century. Theyappeared almost at the same time, at the totally different places of the earth, with a completely different message and underthe rule of the British colonial power. The aim of the study is to compare the both religious figures, Mirza Ghulam Ahmadfrom India and Muhammad Ahmad from Sudan regarding their different messages, to illustrate the social, political andreligious factors that lead to the entirely different profile and image of these two men and how their organizations havedeveloped after their death up till today.

The Catholic Church launched several crusades during the medieval ages in order to regainthe holy lands and spread the word of God. Their main enemy, the Muslims had grownstronger and needed to be suppressed. This common enemy united Europe under the banner ofthe Catholic Church. In order to fund these crusades the church turned to the wealthyEuropean kings and lords and asked for funding. In return the kings received an indulgenceletter, and also greater respect from their subjects because of their new appreciation from thepope.

Followers of three world religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are waiting for the Messiah. Muslims are even waiting for aspiritual leader al-Mahdi. Two different persons claimed the title of al-Mahdi, at the end of the nineteenth century. Theyappeared almost at the same time, at the totally different places of the earth, with a completely different message and underthe rule of the British colonial power. The aim of the study is to compare the both religious figures, Mirza Ghulam Ahmadfrom India and Muhammad Ahmad from Sudan regarding their different messages, to illustrate the social, political andreligious factors that lead to the entirely different profile and image of these two men and how their organizations havedeveloped after their death up till today.