The main aim of this study is to examine the political debate in Sweden around a potentionalcriminalization of buying sex abroad. A second additional aim is to analyze the debate from anintersectional feminist gender perspective, by bringing attention to ideas about gender, ethnicity andpower expressed in the empirical material.The questions at issue are:What are the arguments for and against the potentional criminalization of buying sex abroad andwhich central discursive battles can be discerned throughout the debate?What impact do ideas about gender and power have on the construction of a general advocatediscourse versus a general antagonist discourse?The methodological point of departure is Critical Discourse Analysis, drawing on the theories ofNorman Fairclough, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The empirical material consists of 27articles and editorials publicized in Swedish newspapers between January 2011 and November2014.The result shows that the polemics manifested in the debate are based on different ideas aboutgender, ethnicity and power. A crucial discursive battle stands between human rights andinternational law as a superior principle.

The essay, based on interviews with eight people, deals with name changes from a foreign-sounding name to Swedish-sounding name. The aim is to investigate the reasons behind the name change and whether experiences of ethnic discrimination were among these reasons. Furthermore, I explore the consequences of the name change, and whether the name change was an effective strategy to avoid ethnic discrimination. The study employs qualitative method; I carry out eight interviews with four women and four men, and analyze the empirical material by means of post-colonial theory in which categorizing, otherness and passing are significant terms. The results show that the name change takes place primarily to reduce a sense of otherness, and the discursively locked positions a foreign-sounding name creates.

Den här uppsatsen handlar om hur rapporteringen om registrerat partnerskap och könsneutralt äktenskap i svensk dagspress såg ut under perioden 1 januari till 31 mars 1995 respektive 1 maj till 31 juli 2009. Genom att jämföra hur samkönade relationer, äktenskap och familjebildning gestaltas i texterna under de båda tidsperioderna, har syftet varit att undersöka huruvida rapporteringen har förändrats i riktning mot en mer tolerant diskurs. Studiens frågeställningar rör bland annat förekomsten av olika former av uttryck för diskursiv diskriminering i texterna samt andelen positiva/negativa uttalanden.Studien utgår från ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv, och betraktar de dagliga medierna som betydelsefulla agenter när det gäller att befästa eller utmana diskurser om vad som betraktas som normalt avseende olika sociala grupper.341 artiklar i svensk dagspress har undersökts med hjälp av kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Tjugo artiklar har också valts ut för en kritisk diskursanalys baserad på Norman Faircloughs modell och Kristina Boréus typologi över diskursiv diskriminering.Resultatet visar att negativa uttalanden om samkönade relationer inte är lika vanliga 2009 som de var 1995, och att representationerna har förändrats i riktning mot en större mångfald när det gäller könsfördelning såväl som olika former av sexuell orientering. Samma mönster kan ses när det gäller negativ andrafiering och förslag som pekar mot negativ särbehandling av samkönade par, vilka inte är lika vanliga 2009 som de var 1995.

Even though discrimination of gender in schools and general workplaces is prohibited by Swedish law, there are reports and witness accounts that suggest that discrimination, such as sexual harassment, still exist in Swedish schools.The main purpose with this essay is to look into how questions concerning gender related issues and equality between the sexes is treated in the schools governmental directives, and in textbooks, such trying to examine in what way these questions are addressed in schools. I will answer the following:In what way and to what extent do the governmental directives bring up questions concerning gender related issues and equality, and how are the teachers governed into teaching these matters?Has there been any change concerning these matters between Lgr-80 and Lpo-94?What is written in textbooks in social studies about gender rôle and equality and to what extent do they follow the curriculum?Is there any visible change in textbooks written after Lgr-80 and Lpo-94?In order to answer these questions I will analyze the curricula, Lgr-80 and Lpo-94, and textbooks in social studies written on the basis of these curricula.The study showed a more evident governing towards an active teaching and mentoring the students to equality between the sexes, in Lgr-80 than in Lpo-94. The textbooks followed above all Lgr-80 in three of four cases and in the fourth case the curriculum was not followed at all..

 Genotyping can be used to link genetic variation among individuals to certain diseases or conditions. Some known disorders and states that are dependent on single nucleotide polymorphism (SNPs) are lactose intolerance, venous thrombosis, hereditary hemochromatosis and the difference in sensibility among people to metabolise drugs.In this project a new kit, TaqManÒ Sample-to-SNP KitÔ for extraction of DNA and preparation of the extract for genotyping with real-time PCR and allelic discrimination, was evaluated. QIAamp® DNA Blood Biorobot® MDx Kit was used as the reference method.The purpose of the comparison was to find a method that makes DNA extraction from blood samples cheaper and faster, but with the same reliability as the reference procedure.The results of the evaluation showed a complete agreement of the genotype results between the methods tested, which means that the new method was as reliable as the reference method. The costs of reagents and material would be reduced with 52% if the new method is adopted, that alone would result in a cost reduction of 144 000SEK a year with a sample volume of 650 samples/month. The time for DNA extraction would also be reduced with the new procedure. .

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of the FRA-law. The focus of the study is to examine how Swedish politicians relate to the new draft of this law on intelligence. Key themes in the study are security, threats, surveillance and privacy. The power relationship between the individual and the state is also examined. Empirical data used in this study consists of a spoken plenary debate in the House which was held in connection with the adoption of the FRA law in June 2008.

The legal right to take time off from work to care for one`s children has been regulated in Swedish law since late 1930. This right was limited to mothers and was provided under restricted forms. There was a long qualification period and the length of parental leave was limited.Since then, the right to parental leave has been extended through several modifications of the law. The question of equality in both the labour market and the private sector has been one of the greatest forces behind these changes. By including men in the right to take parental leave, the work place has become more equal and it is now considered a natural part of the employee?s life to request time off to care for children.Labour Arbitration Court has shown through its case law that equality in the work place is of the utmost importance and has shown its support in this matter through its judgements.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of the FRA-law. The focus of the study is to examine how Swedish politicians relate to the new draft of this law on intelligence. Key themes in the study are security, threats, surveillance and privacy. The power relationship between the individual and the state is also examined. Empirical data used in this study consists of a spoken plenary debate in the House which was held in connection with the adoption of the FRA law in June 2008.

AbstractSweden is a country with good reputation when it comes to questions aboutequality. The definition of equality is not always explicit though. The aim of thisthesis is to examine what Swedish equality is and what it should be. By studyingdescriptions of equality and discrimination in the political programs of the partiesof the Swedish parliament from the sixties until today, I examine which groupsare included and excluded from the concept of equality. The analyse shows thatthe concept initially was only referring to class matters.

Protracted social conflicts, as those in Cyprus and Northern Ireland, are based on deep rooted perceptions of identity and definitions of "the other". According to the theory of discursive conflict transformation, war is primarily a social phenomenon, which is legitimated by a discourse of identity defined in terms of exclusionist boundaries and structural ideas of the social relations in society. In order to develop positive peace, the discourse of violence has to be challenged and the discursive structures that enable war have to transform into a counterdiscourse of inclusion and individuality. For the purpose of making a critical peace analysis, I have, with the assistance of established conflict theories, analysed the basic ideas behind the the Annan Plan and the Belfast Agreement and thus been able to interpret to what extent they may foster positive peace. I argue, that in order to provide basic needs on a group basis, power sharing arrangement, based on ethnicity or religion, exacerbates division rather than ameliorating it.

The objective of this paper is to describe and analyze female irregular immigrants and their experience of how relationships with other people affect their lives and identity.A qualitative method is used in the study, because my main purpose is to analyse the respondents? lives and life experiences. The analysis is based on a symbolic interactionism perspective. The results are also analyzed based on previous research and the concepts underlying the paper; irregular immigrants, discrimination, power and identity.In summary, the respondents have a clear picture of how they live and experience their relationship to others and themselves and how this affects their lives and identity.Their experiences affect their lives and influence their behaviour and identity when they interact with others. Their own view of their situation means that they are afraid to seek care or report sexual abuse, threats or other similar conditions.

This essay criticizes common theories within the three traditional perspectives, conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation, for not being able to explain and/or generate solutions to the problems of fundamentalism and religious terrorism in a satisfying manner. This essay is trying to synthesize an alternative analytical framework that better can explaining these phenomena and generate potential solutions. The frameworks ontological ground is laid out using different readings of Foucault, thereby seeing the subject as formed by discourses, material processes and institutions. Fundamentalism and terrorism are seen as a violent resistance to repressed subjectivity, but the form of resistance depends on the discursive and non discursive surroundings. This gives rise to different forms of resistance; the production of discourses and founding of groups and the entry of marginalized people in these groups.

AbstraktStudien ifrågasätter huruvida diskrimineringslagens är tillräcklig eller inte. Internationella granskningsrapporter om diskrimineringssituationen i Sverige har undersökts så väl som rättsfall och forskning i Sverige. I analysen lyfts de argument fram som de internationella granskningsorganen belyst i sina rapporter. Dessa argument behandlas tillsammans med den socialkonstruktivistiska och den intersektionella teorin. Undersökningen har visat att de internationella granskningskommittéerna ser viss betydande diskriminering i samhället.

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.