AbstractAt the UN Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 the nations stated that traditional environmental policies were not sufficient to handle the multidimensional challenges posed by sustainable development. Governments needed to broaden their political decision making procedures in order to coordinate and integrate environmental, social and economic policies. Therefore a new tool was introduced in Agenda 21, National Strategies for Sustainable Development (NSDS). The aim of an NSDS would be to bring together actors from all parts of society to jointly reach a consensus on how to work towards the vision of a sustainable society. An NSDS would be seen as a strategic tool to help focus national policies for SD.

Journalists´ role in society has traditionally been of representative nature with a task to distribute news and scrutinize those in power. But technological changes have created a new publishing world outside the traditional media institutions. In today?s redactional society anyone can become a publisher in a blog or through other channels on online. This process can be seen as contributing to increased democratization giving everyone the opportunity to publish.

The following paper is a study about how three Swedish workingclass news papers, Arbetet, Norrskensflamman and Ny Dag, describe and stigmatized the common strike braker in may 1931. I chose in particulary this month because of the tradgic events in Ådalen 14th of may 1931, where five citizens got killed by the Swedish military during a friendly demonstration and the strike braker was a part the unrest that was embossed among the organized workers in Sweden..

Engblom, Gustav (2009) De nya riksdagspartierna och den politiska dagordningen ?The new parilament parties and the political agenda.?1988 and 1991 the swedish parties Miljöpartiet, Ny demokrati and Kristdemokratiska samlingspartiet made it over the 4 percent threshold and successfully entered the Swedish parliament. Sweden was once described as one of the most stable political systems in the world, but the parliament elections of 1988 and 1991 showed that Sweden was no exception from the growing instability in west democratic political systems.The stability and instability that followed in the west democratic political systems is believed to be explained by the political parties? efforts to adjust to changes in their political environment. This has lead them to cartelize and the cartel party is believed to prefer stability over triumph for various reasons.The established political parties are believed to be able to manipulate the political agenda in such a way that political topics that would have caused great turbulence in the political system, if debated, are kept away from the political agenda.

Sweden currently has no legislated regulation of lobbying, but the professional lobbyist can voluntarily subscribe to, among others, the professional code of standars created by the trade association of Public Relations, Precis. There is an ongoing discussion in Sweden to regulate lobbying, both in mass media and in politics. This study examines this debate and focus on which arguments there are for and against lobbying regulation in Sweden. It also attempts to identify the differences, if there are any, between left and rights parties with regards to their views on regulation of lobbying.Tha main method used was document analysis of parliamentary bills which have been raised concerning a lobbying regulation in Sweden. In the theory section, I include four different types of requirements placed on democratic lobbying (se for example Jaatinen 1998, Kitchen 1999, Larsson 2005, Möller 2009 and Naurin 2001).

The Swedish alcohol market has for many years been in the hands of the government. The question of the monopoly, its being or not being, has for a long time engaged both Swedish citizens and politicians. Since joining the European Union it has also been on the European agenda, trying to adapt Sweden to the more liberal alcohol politic in Europe.The suppliers find themselves acting on a completely different market than a market based on free competition. The suppliers are faced with one retail channel to the stores which creates dependence and uneven power balance towards the retailer. In addition to this, their marketing activities are strictly limited due to the laws and claims.

This essay is about boundaries between, "us and them", in the Swedish culture and immigrant culture in Sweden. The focus is to examine the political interest of the citizens to understand other ethnic cultures who lives in Sweden. One question concerns how the borderlines between different cultures has been painted partly through blogs but also by the media. Is this a result of ignorance or does it depends because of the influence of certain individuals. To find this out, I will study various electronic sources such as blogs, forums and news articles.

Products and services have for a long time competed with their brands. For some time now, cities have begun to compete with each other to attract visitors and other stakeholders to come to their town. It is important that the citizens feel as they are a part of the message that the city sends out in its communication.Cities are today working actively with their brands, much like regular companies, in order to create the profile and image in order to be competitive against other cities and places. Cities and places are part of a dynamic process which includes both positive and negative events. These events might have an impact on the brands, and therefore it is a necessity to be able to react on these events to make the most of positive things and deal with the negative in a way that minimizes the effects on the brand.Citybranding as a research field is quite new.

The Swedish censorship is an institution run by the Swedish government since 1911 and has cutting films to protect the citizens from unnecessary violence. Their main purpose doesn't work well with the law of copyright in literary and artistic works, as they break this law while cutting movies. They therefore destroy the authors work by doing this, and in this thesis I will point out how they have destroyed the purpose of two scenes in the film Hellraiser and by that, more or less, altered how the audience may look upon two of the characters in the film.  The results points to the unnecessary way of physically cutting films to protect the audience, but also how they choose to work and what preferences they used in their line of work..

The City is filled with signs of life. It teems with human traces waiting to be discovered. Street art of different kinds prevails behind traffic signs, on posts and electrical boxes. Personally con-structed dogs guard roundabouts all around Sweden and small gardens spire underneath window ledges. In this work I want to identify these phenomena and find out what thoughts inspired these creations.

In this qualitative thesis I have studied the process of street-naming in Budapest. I have done this primarily through examining legislative and street name records in Budapest in order to define a distinctive use of history. In an attempt to concretise public opinion, I designed and distributed a succinct questionnaire and used newspaper articles to create a clear view of the political milieu. Furthermore, I have utilised a typological method to summarise the use of history and elucidate the results. I came to the conclusion that a moral and, to some extent, ideological use of history is dominating the street-naming situation in contemporary Budapest.

The purpose of this study was to find out how young children are allowed to influence and affect their daily lives in preschools, as well as teachers? views on the latter. My interest in this topic is born out of my experience of working with both younger and older preschool children. My view is that democratic work with older children is largely based on direct verbal communication while with toddlers it is based on an adult?s interpretation of a child?s often non-verbal expressions.

Based on widespread public debate prior to Swedish EMU-referendum 2003, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze the standpoint of the Swedish parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue, from perspektive of the following questions;1) What is the official standpoint of the parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue?2) What claimed effects of a Swedish EMU-membership or non-membership have the parties presented?3) What rifts can be found within the parties, in relation to their official standpoint in the EMU-issue?The Sweidish parliamentary parties´ standpoint in the EMU-issue will be analyze from the point of view of a number of current theories. These theories are basically democrazy theories that all have transnationalization and Europeanization as a common ground.The conclusions are, among others, that the parliamentary parties` standpoints in the EMU-issue are based on ideological values about whether or not a Swedish EMU-membership is good for Sweden. The Liberal Party, the Christian Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Social Party have a positive view on EMU and a deeper European integration, and basically value the economic efficency of the EMU higher than democratic decision making and a national currency and monetary policy. As for the EMU-critical parties such as the Centre Party, the Green Party and the Left Party, their view in the EMU-issue can be regarded as more nationalistic, since they say no to an exapanded financial cooperation.

This essay concerns equality statistics as part of a population census. It is a kind ofstatistics that is not in action in Sweden because of data protection law for sensitivedata (Personuppgiftslagen). This kind of an enlarged census is requested frominternational institutions like the UN and the EU as a tool to combat discriminationand to keep track of human rights. In Sweden there is a prohibition against collectingsensitive data regarding for instance sexuality, disability, transgender, ethnicbackground and national minority.The essay examines arguments from minority groups in Sweden, who participated inan enquiry done by the Equality Ombudsman on a government assignment 2011. Theenquiry process was done during 2012 and resulted in the report Statistikens roll iarbetet mot diskriminering (The Role of Statistics in Combating Discrimination).The starting point of the essay is to look at equality statistics with a two foldedpotential: as liberating or oppressive for the counted.

This essay is a comparative empirical study of ethnic integration mainly of the Russian-speaking minorities in the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) in a post-communism setting. As Lithuania has a Polish minority that is as large as the Russian-speaking, they too shall be included in the study but not as thoroughly as the Russian-speaking minority. Thus the problem is: to what degree are the ethnic minorities integrated with the titular nations in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania? In order to study ethnic integration I have set up a theoretical framework largely based on Weiner?s theory of integration. The theoretical framework focuses on three dimensions: Citizenship, Identity and Segregation.