The purpose of this thesis is to shed light on a present trend of professionalization in Swedish local environmental politics, which have recently seen a decline in active participation of the citizens in favor of an increased governmental regulation. With the aim to closer investigate this relatively new phenomenon, the paper is a qualitative single case-study of environmental policies in the Swedish municipality of Karlskrona. In this case, the municipality is obviously balancing between regarding the interests of the national level and the interests of its own citizens at the same time. This motivates the use of system-theory, and relates to the classical political paradox between participation and efficiency which is also a present theme in the paper.This text-analysis based on interviews with personnel and documents from the municipality shows a visible trend of professionalization in the local politics of the municipality of Karlskrona, from a large grade of participation and a strong bottom-up approach in the days of Agenda 21 to now being more strongly top-down defined by national environmental objectives and principally operated on a professional level..

May 2010 a project called drop-in sports was started to get boys and girlsin the ages of 13-20 more physically active and keep them away from  committing crime. With the slogan ?come as you are, whenever you want and do what you want for free ? spontaneous sports was organized. To evaluate the project a research of the activity was carried out, where two of the objectives were to investigate how responsibility and empowerment is taken. Twelve hours of observations studies were used to collect data about leadership decision-making and democratic values in forms of respect, everybody?s right to play and influence.

After the tsunami disaster in December 2004 many arguments were heared that one oft the major reasons behind the poor Swedish effort connected to the evacuation and health care of the Swedish citizens in Thailand right after the incident is the Swedish model with independent government authorities. By comparing the constitution, the political decision making tradition by the ministers and the handling of the catastrophe in the tree Scandinavian countries Denmark, Norway and Finland, plus analysing the behaviour of the Swedish foreign and prime minister from a rational choose inspired individual decision making theory the research shows that there is no proof that a constitutional change in Sweden into the traditional model with government authorities controlled by the ministers alone would led to a more effective crisis handling by the government due to crises concerning Swedish citizens out states. Although the research shows that the constitution and the tradition of decision making in the government provides the basic condition of the ministers individual rational decision making.

The Swedish debate regarding chat control highlights a value conflict between protecting the safety of children and preserving democratic rights such as privacy and freedom of expression. This thesis examines key arguments for and against the proposed EU CSAM-regulation, analyzing them through a normative argumentation analysis method. The analysis is based on the Swedish constitution, representing the common values of Swedish society. The study reconstructs arguments from four debate articles and evaluate them according to their relevance and validity, which makes up the arguments? total evidential strength.

The purpose of this essay was to examine the role of the acquisition of the Swedish language for integration of adult immigrants given by the seven parties currently in the parliament and other players on the field. The questions were meant to bring light upon the arguments used by the different players concerning the role of the Swedish language, to enlighten which discourses that are constructed, and the contradictions that exist between these. We parted from a postmodern position and used social constructionism to back up our method and theory of analysis; discourse theory. The results revealed three different discourses concerning the role of the Swedish language in the integration process; the liberal discourse, the discrimination discourse and the social democratic discourse. The liberal discourse claims that immigrants have a responsibility to learn Swedish to be able to achieve employment and to provide for themselves.

With the rise of the internet especially and information- and communication technology in general, the opportunities for fast and effective communication and sharing of information have proliferated. In relation to the new technologies, the citizens? demands on organizations? communicative efforts have increased. Today?s citizens have high standards regarding transparency, the opportunity to dialogue and have hopes to influence the public sector.

Feminist initiative ? an idea analysis.On the fourth of April in the year 2005 Feministic initiative (Fi) was created, it was an main response to the slow changes in the Swedish society, which claimed to establish an equal society. Equality has become one of the major indicators of a contemporary democratic society. The Swedish government has long proclaimed to reach this goal, but even though Sweden currently lies in the front among the democratic societies, while you consider equality issues, especially between the sexes, there is still a lot that need to be done in the Swedish society. Feministic initiative began as an organization and established a political party and participated in the election during the year 2006, but failed to reach a place in the parliament.

With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically.

Through our study we have found that there are moresimilarities than differences in leadership styles. The dominant leadership style of managers in both private and public sector is the democratic leadership style, often in combination with other styles; most notably the authoritarian leadership style. The charismatic leadership style doesn't seem to be popular in neither private nor public sector.Title:                                                                              A study of leadership styles in public and private sector Course:                                                    Bachelor Dissertation - LeadershipAuthors:                                                  Milos Kostic and Rudina ShabaniAdvisor:                                                   Ingemar WictorKeyword:                                                Leadership style, public, private, leadershipProblem formulation:          What differences and similarities in leadership styles are there between managers in private companies and managers in public companies?Purpose:                                                  Our purpose has been to find which similarities and differences there are in leadership styles between managers in private sector and managers in public sector.Theoretical framework:       After studying the theory of leadership, we found four different leadership styles relevant to our study. In the theoretical framework we discuss theories of authoritarian leadership, democratic leadership, laissez-faire leadership and charismatic leadership.

Citizenship is fundamental for participation in a democracy. It gives us rights but also responsibilities in the state that we are citizens of. Citizenship provides us with the opportunity to vote in order to influence who should govern us. However, not all living in a state are citizens. Some individuals are not included in the political life of the state.In recent years, there has been a rise of nationalist political parties in Europe.

This thesis deals with the issues of participation and influence in the multicultural society. The aim with the study is twofold, first to identify determinants improving participation and influence in this context, and second to see if the ecouragement of a strong civil society in ethnic segregated areas is a possible way forward to a multicultural democracy. This is conducted through a case study of brobyggarna in Malmo, Sweden, and how they as an integration policy is working with these questions. Six qualitative interviews have been conducted with seven persons workning as brobyggare or in close connection with them. Toghether with readings of earlier research this material is analysed through an eclectic model with theories put together in five analythic dimensions, Multicultural democracy, Social milieu, Unequal possibillities to participate and influence and Local powerstructures.

This thesis deals with the cultural efforts of the Swedish labour movement during the periodof 1917-1939. It aims to examine the similarities and differences between social democratsand communists in their approach towards culture.My theoretical guidelines are the dialectic and materialistic view on history as set forth byKarl Marx and Friedrich Engels.I have examined some important individuals in the cultural debate within the Swedish labourmovement, such as Ture Nerman and Arthur Engberg, and I also briefly outline the debate inthe Soviet Union from the classics of Lenin and Stalin.I have found that the social democrats were mainly concerned with a democratic distributionof the existing bourgeois culture rather than working for the creation of a new proletarianculture; the communists on the other hand made considerable efforts to benefit the workers'own culture based on class struggle, but failed to threaten the social democratic ideologicalhegemony among the Swedish working class..

The purpose of this essay was to analyze the collapse of democracy in the Weimar Republic. This was done by analyzing some of the most turbulent crises in its history like the communists attempt to take power in 1919, the kapp-putsch of 1920, hyperinflation 1923 and the economic depression 1929-1933. The method that I used in this essay is called methodological individualism. It was an analytical framework which helped to understand the citizens view on democracy and legitimacy. The theoretical framework was based on Juan J.Linz and Seymour Martin Lipsets ideas on legitimacy and efficacy.

This thesis examines the effects of the Swedish school reforms that took place in the early 1990?s. Theories such as Principal-Agent, Stewardship and Lipsky?s street-level bureaucracy are discussed as well as New Public Management (NPM). These reforms were heavily influenced by NPM, causing an increased level of street-level bureaucracy, and according to Principal-Agent theory some outcomes could have been predicted.

AbstractTitle: PR and Politics- the role of the PR consults in Swedish politics (PR och Politik ?PR konsulternas roll i svensk politik)Number of pages: 34Author: Andia GhafouriTutor: Peder Hård af SegerstadCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: HT 2006University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: To study the PR functions role in Swedish politics and what role it plays for the democracy.Material/Method: Interviews with PR peopleMain results: That the PR people have the right kind of network and the knowledge about how to influence political decisions and the public opinion. Their methods could be criticized from a democratic point of view since they are professionals and their ability to bring up issues in to the public agenda is stronger than ordinary peoples? ability, which could be discussed if it is fair in a democratic society, that people who get paid have more power to change than those who don?t.Keywords: Public Relations, Communication, Politics, Democracy, Information, Networks.