Citizenship is fundamental for participation in a democracy. It gives us rights but also responsibilities in the state that we are citizens of. Citizenship provides us with the opportunity to vote in order to influence who should govern us. However, not all living in a state are citizens. Some individuals are not included in the political life of the state.In recent years, there has been a rise of nationalist political parties in Europe.

The Debate concerning face veiling has been brought in to view by several governments in Europe. Luca Mavelli studies the Debate regarding the burqa using the concept of securitization and from that the objective of this study is to analyze the medial- and the political discourse in Sweden regarding the burqa. The formulated questions drawn from this is; who are the securitizing actors? According to the securitization actors, who can de defined as a referent object? Wherein is the threat according to the securitizing actors? Is it possible to recognize a difference between the medial and the political discourse?Furthermore the paper adopts the theoretical framework that is the concept of securitization, formulated by the Copenhagen School of security. The methodological foundation is based on a social constructivist approach and consequently uses Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analyzes as an analytical tool.

The Swedish government ratified on May 1 2009 an amendment of marital law, resulting in same-sex marriage becoming legalized. With the rights of the Christian Swedish state church to officiate weddings originating from the same law, the church was thereby faced with two options: Either officially include same-sex couples in the Christian concept of holy matrimony and keep the right to officiate weddings; or give up the right to officiate weddings altogether. An official decision to accept the terms was reached on October 22 2009, but not without being preceded by an agitated medial Debate.This research attempts to analyze the arguments of the Debate in three stages: In the first stage the arguments are categorized according to their respective ideological standpoint. In the second stage these categories are examined from post-modern, social constructivist and socialization theory perspectives. Based on this, the third stage sees the arguments analyzed from a viewpoint based in the Copenhagen school concept of securization.The research concludes that the Debate does not only simply feature two sides with differences of opinion; but rather that the arguments of the two opposing sides are founded in a common view of the other side as a fundamental threat to ones conception of a sound society..

The purpose of this study is to find out how IOGT-NTO conducted the Debate about the Swedish negotiations with EU concerning the accession. The essay investigates how the Debate was conducted between the years 1993, 1994 and 1995. A further distinction lies in five requirements IOGT-NTO delivered before the negotiations.The material for this study lies primarily in the editorial pages of IOGT-NTO's magazine Accent. The background content comes primarily from secondary sources and deals with the temperance movement and IOGT-NTO, and dealing with the EU and the Swedish alcohol policy.In July 1991, Sweden submitted its membership application to EU and subsequently in the 1993 the negotiations began. During the same time IOGT-NTO began its Debate on a possible EU membership in the Accent magazine.

The Swedish government ratified on May 1 2009 an amendment of marital law, resulting in same-sex marriage becoming legalized. With the rights of the Christian Swedish state church to officiate weddings originating from the same law, the church was thereby faced with two options: Either officially include same-sex couples in the Christian concept of holy matrimony and keep the right to officiate weddings; or give up the right to officiate weddings altogether. An official decision to accept the terms was reached on October 22 2009, but not without being preceded by an agitated medial Debate.This research attempts to analyze the arguments of the Debate in three stages: In the first stage the arguments are categorized according to their respective ideological standpoint. In the second stage these categories are examined from post-modern, social constructivist and socialization theory perspectives. Based on this, the third stage sees the arguments analyzed from a viewpoint based in the Copenhagen school concept of securization.The research concludes that the Debate does not only simply feature two sides with differences of opinion; but rather that the arguments of the two opposing sides are founded in a common view of the other side as a fundamental threat to ones conception of a sound society..

This present study is a result of a research that I made . My purpose is to find out how the Debate about inclusion looked like back in the history. My research was about the view we had absolut inclusion in the history, I also made some interviewes among teachers and students in the schools of today. I wanted to se their views about inclusion today and I wanted to know their opinions about inclusion. Did the students and the teachers have prejudice against other students with functional disabilities as Down syndrom and blindness? What was their thoughts about inclusion of students with differents functional disabilities?One more task I had with this study I made was to raise another Debate about inclusion .! Keywords: Inclusion and funtional disabilities.

In this essay my aim is to examine how the term utanförskap is constructed and defined as a social problem in the public arena of the Swedish Parliament. The term utanförskap was widely used in the election-campaign prior to the Swedish Parliament election in the year 2006. The term, mainly articulated by the Right-wing Alliance, was used to describe indi-viduals and groups that were depicted as being outside the Swedish society. In the political Debate, work and benefit dependency were constructed as binary opposites, with the latter describing the individuals in utanförskap. Translated to English the term utanförskap would be something like ?the state of being outside? or ?outsidership?.

Relations between the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930:The Unification Debate The purpose of this study is to depict the hostile relations between the two unions, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), between the years 1910 and 1930, the proposal of and following Debate about unification being especially focused on. The questions are the following:1. What ideological differences where there between SAC and LO? 2. What ideas were common in the Debate? 3.

Authors: Daniel Kirby & Émelie Vangen LindgrenTitle: Controlling the WordLevel: Bachelor of JournalismLocation: University of GothenburgLanguage: SwedishNumber of pages: 29The largest arena for public Debate in Sweden is the television show Debatt, airing every week on SVT: Sweden?s public service network. Every episode has an audience at around 500.000 viewers. Because the channel is under the rules of the public service agreement, strict rules of diversity are applied.The purpose of this study is to examine the gender representation in Debatt; to investigate how men and women behave in the context of the televised Debate and to see if the programme has managed to reflect an equal representation of the voices of men and women.We did this by performing a quantitative content analysis of four different episodes of Debatt, with 4 different hosts ? two women hosts and two men.

The aim and purpose of this paper is to identify and investigate the effects of affirmative action as a tool to improve the equality of the sexes in a male dominated organisation such as the Swedish armed forces. The study takes a qualitative approach, using feminist theory as a point of departure. Primarily socially based differences between men and women are identified and the resistance towards change is taken into account.To understand the impact of affirmative action I have observed the political Debate on the subject and contrasted it to the ongoing Debate from within the armed forces. Extensive interviews have been held with both men and women from varying ranks and ages to understand what the overall opinion of the method is.My results show that there is a widespread animosity towards affirmative action as a method of improving equality. Both in the political Debate and within the organisation in question.

The so called democratic deficit and the lack of legitimacy have been at the core of the EU-Debate in the last decades. Low turnouts in the elections for the European parliament and disapproval in the ratification processes of the latest changes of the treaties are examples of the citizens lack of confidence for the EU and continuous integration. In Nice 2000 the heads of the member states governments agreed to try to improve the democratic legitimacy in the EU and initiated a public Debate aiming at proposals for changes in the decision making processes in the EU. In July 2001 the commission published a white paper with their view. A fundamental presumption in discourse theory is that language and language usage not just is a way to deliver information about ideas and behaviours.

This essay examines the Swedish Debate on Internet hate with focus on theories concerning Internet as a public sphere, sociocultural turbulence and subaltern counterpublics. Examining material fromnewspapers, alternative news media and discussion forums, with an hermeneutical influenced method, the task is to understand the Internet hate Debate, and the study wishes to discover its relations to biggercontexts, such as social transformations and power dynamics. The conflict evolves between the establishment (journalists, writers, politicians et cetera) on one part, and Internet ?haters? on the other.The examined theme also shows a conflict where the two combatants show not only two opposite views on what Internet hate is, but also shows two different conceptions of the world..

This essay examines the 1962 Swedish parliamentary Debate preluding the proposition to introduce a uniform compulsory education for all Swedish children. The proposition aimed at ending the previously heterogeneous educational system and replace it with a more equal and democratic system.A widespread Debate ensued, regarding the status of Christian religious education (kristendomskunskap) and its new emphasis on scientific objectivity. This essay will examine the relative position of Christianity within the new uniform school system, as it was articulated by the members of the Swedish parliament. This analysis will be achieved through the use of a discourse analytical study of the parliamentary records, the recorded motions and bills. From these records a substantial disparity in the parliamential members articulation of the concept of Christianity can be ascertained, even within the discourse of an educational regime.

For almost a century the Debate about women as ordained servants in the Church of Sweden has raged on and on. The decision to open up the priesthood for both genders in 1958 was a milestone in the women?s liberation movement as well as it marks an important time in the church history. The Debate has mainly been about how to interpret scripture, who has the right to do so, and so on. Feminist theology has become one way in recent decades to paint a wider and more nuanced picture of history and how to interpret the texts often used to repress women.This essay surveys some of the steps towards that decision, as well as it paints a rough picture of what leadership among women in the church could involve before ordination became an option.

The purpose of the present paper is to examine the political Debate on the education of newly arrived immigrant pupils at secondary school age. The following issues are under scrutiny:What are the goals, expressed by politicians during the examined periods, for the education of newly arrived pupils?What ideas about education and what educational ideals can be observed in the political Debate on the education of newly arrived pupils?Has there been any change, during the examined period, in the policy Debate on the education of newly arrived pupils?The research material consists of reports and statements of the Education Committee, as well as a number of parliamentary protocols. Two five-year periods, 1971-1975 and 2006-2010, are studied and compared. All in all, the material consists of 23 documents issued during these periods.