The aim of this thesis is to create an understanding about how and to what extent a Swedish expatriate manager needs to adapt his/her leadership in accordance with the culture of the host country. Thus shall different managers? perceptions of experienced management overseas be studied. To accomplish our aim, three different problems have been designed. These are as follows: In what way does the manager?s earlier experiences and knowledge about expatriation affect her or his leadership in a new cross-cultural context? How does the culture of the host country affect the expatriate manager?s leadership? How does the expatriate manager handle contradictory demands: that is differences in expectations from subordinates and the higher management? We have chosen to use an abductive approach in order to do a qualitative study and we have therefore conducted eight case studies to create a foundation for distinguishing patterns.The case studies are based on eight Swedish managers with experience from expatriation. The theoretical framework is structured upon three main themes including; knowledge and skills a global leader needs to possess, the relation between the leader and subordinates, and contradictory demands.

The purpose of this thesis is to critically investigate how to understand the regional transformations that are occurring in Sweden and Denmark. At a higher level of abstraction the results can be generalised to a wider context and I have found that there is an ideological hegemony that explains the regional transformation. Nation states are reterritorialising due to a changing world where global capital is becoming increasingly flexible and competition between states, regions and municipalities is needed to adjust. By using Sandberg's model of structural reforms I have shown that the differences between Sweden's and Denmark's reterritorialisation are due to differences in national political culture and existing administrative systems. In fact these two structural reforms are based on the same regionalist ideology as a reaction to the changing global economy.To investigate the regional transformations I have carried out an idea and ideology analysis on the recent Swedish proposal from Ansvarskommittén, Strukturkommissionen in Denmark and the proposal by the Danish government which was carried out in 2007.

On three occasions, in 1973, 1993 and 2005, Swedish parliament and government has resolved to integrate the, previously independent, foreign offices beloning to the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) with the Swedish embassies. The implemenation of the integrationreform has however been a lengthy process. This thesis adresses two main issues: how has the integrationreform been able to remain a viable recipe for organizational change over time and why has the integrationprocess taken so long? Lastly I assess the possibility for effective implementation following the decision 2005.Based on New Institutionalism I conducted an historical analysis of the integrationprocess to explore the conditions for reform. My results indicate that the integrationreform primarly suited the interests of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, making the Foreign Serivce more effective and clarifying the Ministry's responsibilty for Swedish development cooperation policy.

It seems like Swedish municipalities are dominated by beliefs that all citizen participation is good for the development of local democracy. A critic of this certainty is rising among Swedish scholars of political science. However, a critic with an ambition of such generalization is harsh. Different democratic projects contents different qualities and thereby diverse problems in the democratic process. If these democratic problems within the process can be recognized, a deeper understanding can be found and in the prolongation a strengthening of the democracy.This essay examines the democratic process of Lomma municipality's democratic project of citizen participation.

SARS [Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome] penetrated China in spring of 2003, created havoc in the social society, exposed weaknesses within the political system and pushed the nation towards a crisis of confidence. At the same time the crisis revitalised the Party's position, brought people from different social stratum together and had a beneficial impact on the populace's knowledge on health related issues.What makes the SARS crisis in China interesting for further and deeper investigation is the method it chose to respond to its national crisis. They plan of response was indeed a retrogression back to "older" times, using methods and propaganda very much like those used during Mao Zedong and later Deng Xiaoping. The first step of response was denial and cover up of the real situation, which quickly turned to unprecedented transparency, as the magnitude of SARS became known. The Party and the government were quick to proclaim themselves as the bearer of the key knowledge and information on how to best fight the disease, this in sharp contrast to the political trend of more co-operation between the private and public sector and political transparency.

I studiens primära del försöker vi närma oss supermakten och klassificeringen av den samma i termer av resurser och ´role theory´. På en lägre abstraktionsgrad är vi intresserade av fallet Kina och att utreda i vilken mån supermaktsbegreppet kan appliceras på staten. I en andra del argumenterar vi för ett unilateralt agerande utifrån Kinas givna position i det internationella systemet.Detta gör vi genom att exemplifiera deras politiska strategi i biståndspolitiken gentemot Afrika.Genom främst ´role theory förmår vi attribuera Kina supermaktsstatus och i vår neorealistiska ansats kan vi sedan se hur de smyger fram i det internationella systemet utan direkta konfrontationer i sin strävan efter ett multipolärt system..

We chose to base our literature study on the meme phenomena. The meme is a portion of culture that is spread among us from mind to mind. Every time we learn something by copying others we use information that has been passed on from a previous person, that information can be seen as a meme. The theoretical frame for our methodology in our exam paper is founded on Forsberg och Wengström research on literature studies. Our aim is to describe to the reader in depth what a meme is and how they could be helpful in an academic and pedagogical setting. Our study will show how memes are seen predominantly as graphic designs and as artifacts for cultural representation parallel to their imagery.

This essay aims to investigate the use of an origin-ID within the Beaker Complex, as defined by John C. Barrett, seen through their different expressions of use in ceramic form and ornamentation, architecture and landscape through time and space with special emphasis on the late Neolihtics in the South of England. The analytic vehicle "the reinforcing circle" is used as a new diffusion model suggested by Stuart Needham, and the analytic tool "incubation" is used to structure the process the Beaker-cultures may have used to reach cultural hegemony. Id est, that the Beaker-cultures socially invites already existing cultures, offering within family and trading the results of new technolo­gies. And/or, occupy the space and use the authority needed by re-writing the narrative as seen in the grave use and grave deposits.

In order to answer the question in the title, a cross-cultural analysis of two countries was done. Countries chosen were the Republic of Latvia and the Kingdom of Spain. The need for this research was suggested by increased cross-border business activities inside the European Union, and the lack of previous studies involving new Member States. The aim of the research was to see what environmental factors influence advertising adaptation in the European Union, as well as to evaluate the applicability of a standardisation approach. According to the theory, there are three external factors that influence the creation of a global advertising.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

The activity of interest groups in the political process of the European Union has given rise to a broad debate concerning the effect on European democracy these groups have. As relatively powerful political actors, the question of these groups? views on the EU and how the union should be is an important one. The status of these groups owns democratic representation also affects the democratic status of the EU. Being based on a number of theories, this study adopts an ideology analysis for the purpose of testing these theories on two cases ? the Swedish environmental organizations World Wide Fund for Nature and The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

Many questions are still left unanswered regarding the period c. 450-700 AD, when hordes of Anglo-Saxon migrants landed on the British Isles and by doing so made the starting point in the foundation of England. Who were these Germanic tribes? The theories of how the migration proceeded are today many. The two major theories today concerns whether it was a question of a mass migration or a gradual migration proceeded by smaller groups of military elite.

The study focus on the development of the bilateral relationship between India and the United States and the Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP) from 2004 and the change in U.S. approach to India's neuclear program. With the rise of China to potential great power status I argue that the cooporation between the two is an act to balance the Chinese influence and to prevent future rivalry and a Chinese dominance of the East Asia. For the study I have used concepts and theorys from the realist tradition, in particular theorys of Balance of power and alliance forming..

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..