In this paper Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent Corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina?s possibilities of integrating with EU.The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of Corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of Corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of Corruption. After that these forms of Corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process.The results show that Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread Corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today..

Corruption is a very broad definition which is not easy to define. It happens due to the phenomenon?s complexity and its many different forms and syndromes. Before fighting Corruption it is therefore necessary to find its roots and form. Furthermore, many countries aspire today for a better democracy but find visible barriers on their ways in a form of Corruption i.a.

Corruption is widespread, and exists more or less in all countries in the world. It is today high on the international political agenda as a result of globalization and is seen as a serious impediment to development. In 2011, Sweden scored 9,3 out of 10 on the Transparency International Corruption index which gave the country a 4th place of 182 on the list. This refers to a rather low Corruption. Although Sweden is a country with low level of Corruption that does not mean that it is completely Corruption-free.

In recent years, several scandals have been revealed where public employees been involved. Some researchers argue, moreover, that the NPM's rampage has led to an increase in the risk of Corruption in public administration. The Regulation on Internal Control shall, according to the government, lead to adequate protection against Corruption by analyzing and managing risks. However, Riksrevisionen have criticized the authorities' protection against Corruption to be too unstructured and unsystematic. In addition, they questioned whether the regulation really has significance in the work against Corruption.

This paper aims to broaden the discussion on how press freedom can be a powerful tool in the war on Corruption. Previous studies have shown a significant relationship between more press freedom and less Corruption, it also shows that the causal link runs from press freedom to Corruption and not the other way around. There are quite a few studies on the impact of a free press on Corruption and therefore there is a lot more to be published on this issue.This paper looks at press freedom as one of the most important parts of a democratic society and that it plays a vital role in reducing Corruption as both an informant on key issues and also as a ?watchdog? on society. But press freedom cannot be seen as an ?easy fix? in a country or the international community's struggle to reduce Corruption.

What impact and effects are created by the placement of an international ranking? Could it be that a top rank is detrimental to an entire country's efforts to fight Corruption?This bachelor thesis in political science is about Swedish Corruption. In essence, so questioning the Transparency International's indexed rankings that placed Sweden in third place. Issues concern since if the third placement has created nonchalance and a careless mentality in Swedish government and in particular in the municipal operations. Research results show that Transparency International's rankings have low validity and low reliability and that the government is not acting sufficiently to prevent and fight Corruption.

This paper examines how debt cancellation, given under the HIPC-initiative, has affected Corruption over the period 2000-2006. The examination is foremost interesting due to earlier research showing that high Corruption leads to unequal distribution of economic resources. This, combined with the objective of the HIPC initiative to reduce poverty, indicates that combating Corruption must be successful in order to fulfill the goals of the initiative. A linear regression shows that countries that have benefited from the HIPC-initiative indeed have a lower Corruption than other countries. A panel-data analysis shows on the other hand that no effect on Corruption due to debt cancellation or reforms undertaken in the program can be confirmed..

In this study, my intention has been to examine how the ambiguous concept of Corruption is constructed by the press. Emphasizing the media?s representations of the socially constructed and context-specific concept, this work adopts a critical perspective on discourse, together with an approach of conceptual history. Finland has for many years been appointed as one of the least corrupt countries in the world, signing several international conventions against Corruption since the 1990s, which in turn has led to an increase in discussion regarding the phenomenon. By conducting a multi-method study, my aim has been to analyse the possible changes in the definition of ?Corruption? in the Finnish newspaper Hufvudstadsbladet during the period 2000-2013.

Aid effectiveness is a reoccuring theme in the social sciences. Maybe rightfully so, as development is slow in many parts of the developing world. Core literature on the matter seems to suggest that aid effectiveness is contingent on recipients? level of Corruption. Assuming this to be true, I examine the EU?s disbursements of Official Development Assistance over the past decade by running regressions: is there a relationship between the level of aid received, and a country?s level of Corruption? As the EU is one of the largest donors of foreign aid globally, and has the power to shape the global foreign aid agenda, this question puts to the test whether the EU is leading the way, or rather is an obstacle in front.

In this study, my intention has been to examine how the ambiguous concept of Corruption is constructed by the press. Emphasizing the media?s representations of the socially constructed and context-specific concept, this work adopts a critical perspective on discourse, together with an approach of conceptual history. Finland has for many years been appointed as one of the least corrupt countries in the world, signing several international conventions against Corruption since the 1990s, which in turn has led to an increase in discussion regarding the phenomenon. By conducting a multi-method study, my aim has been to analyse the possible changes in the definition of ?Corruption? in the Finnish newspaper Hufvudstadsbladet during the period 2000-2013.

What impact and effects are created by the placement of an international ranking? Could it be that a top rank is detrimental to an entire country's efforts to fight Corruption?This bachelor thesis in political science is about Swedish Corruption. In essence, so questioning the Transparency International's indexed rankings that placed Sweden in third place. Issues concern since if the third placement has created nonchalance and a careless mentality in Swedish government and in particular in the municipal operations. Research results show that Transparency International's rankings have low validity and low reliability and that the government is not acting sufficiently to prevent and fight Corruption.

Since the breakdown of the Soviet Union, more than fifteen revolutionary yearshave passed. Estonia and Latvia have undergone a change from communist statesto members of the European Union. As in so many other post-communist statesCorruption has been a problem. However, Estonia has since the independence hada lower degree of Corruption than the neighbour country Latvia. The main purposeof this thesis is to explain why so.

The globalization today has led to increased global competition. As companies seek out foreign markets in order to internationalize their operations, it is common that they encounter many cultural problems. Bribery and Corruption is a common problem in international trade. Corruption is strongly linked to the national culture which means that Corruption is accepted in differing degrees within different nations. This can be a problem when companies establish their operations in foreign markets.The purpose of this essay is to examine and analyze how companies act in a corrupt market without participating in corrupt activities.The authors have performed both a qualitative and a quantitative study.

This study aims to map the opinions and attitudes of lokal elected officials regarding Corruption and Corruption preventing measures. The study also attempt to determine weather opinions differ based on the interviewed party political affiliations. The study material of the thesis is therefore largely based on interviews with elected representatives from the municipalities; Älmhult, Lessebo and Tingsryd.  .

Researchers in the field of political Corruption generally expect voters in democratic states to lose trust in corrupted politicians. However, there are cases where corrupted politicians maintain their popularity, a phenomenon studied in this thesis. Focus lies on three cases of political Corruption: the Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi who has been the subject of several judicial investigations and court cases; the impeached former president of Lithuania, Rolandas Paksas; and the German Christian Democratic Union's (CDU) involvement in a party funding scandal. The cases are chosen based on the method of agreement. Berlusconi, Paksas and CDU have all, in spite of their corrupt behaviour, kept or regained popular support among a large group of their country's citizens.