The purpose of this study is to examine how four teachers in preschool describe their view of conflicts between children from gender perspective. The theories associated with the study conclude that sex can be considered as being either biologically or socially engineered. The study consists of empirical material by the means of qualitative research based on interviews. The results of the study show different views on whether children's gender plays a role in a conflict. Furthermore, I have chosen to find out whether gender plays a role in conflict management as well as in the children's play at preschool, this to come to as qualitative conclusions as possible..

Do youths know what life values their parents have? Does this knowledge have a connection with the youth?s attachment to their parents? Do the youth?s life values differ from their parents? And could the youth?s life values affect how they estimate their parent?s life values? To answer these questions data from a survey were used. The respondents were 13-15 years old youths and their parents. The results show that youths do not know what life values their parents have, irrespective of if the attachment to them is good or bad. The results also show that the youth?s own life values to a high extend affect how they estimate their parent?s life values.

With the end of the Cold War the number of conflicts where the United Nations have intervened has increased dramatically. This has entailed a need for a burden-sharing between the UN and regional organizations regarding management of conflicts. The aim of this study is to make a comparative analysis of the effectiveness and the efficiency in the efforts undertaken by ECOWAS and the UN during the civil war in Sierra Leone, through using theories on conflict resolution and the advantages of regional organizations in conflict resolution.My conclusion is that both ECOWAS and the UN were quite successful in managing the conflict and had an impact on the resolution of the war, although both peace operations suffered from internal problems. ECOWAS was effective in managing the conflict and in its mediating efforts as an insider from the region. The UN was more efficient in managing to attain their goals.

This paper is a Master thesis for the Master?s program in International and European Relations in the Department of Management and Economics at Linköping University. As the title indicates, the aim of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of the conflict resolution initiatives that were employed in the Sierra Leonean and Liberian conflicts. The research questions are: ? What were the root causes and trajectories of the Sierra Leonean and Liberian conflicts? ? What were the conflict resolution initiatives employed in resolving both conflicts? ? Why did the Lome Peace Accord succeed in the case of Sierra Leone whilst the Abuja Peace Accord failed in bringing peace to Liberia? In order to answer the afore-mentioned questions and fulfil the aim of this paper, a qualitative research method has been chosen.

The idea that I put forward in this thesis concerns the democratic system and the threat from discoursive impact on its core values. I focus my normative analysis on three of these democratic values: transparency, accountability and influence ? and what democratic problems the discoursive impact causes in conflict with them. I have used a critical discourse theory to define discourse and discoursive impact, by focusing on the process of discourse, rather than its nature. I deal with the political structure where I claim that the essential relation between citizen and politician is disrupted, due to lack of information and the imminent problems of the existing network society.

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

Through geopolitical theory this thesis explores how conflicts within states can be read and understood according to an analytical model determining one or several possible causes for the conflict.  The model is created by the author and reflects geopolitical theory by giving three possible explanations to an intrastate conflict: culture, economy or territorial construction. The aim of the thesis is testing this model on two selectively chosen case studies ? i.e. two intrastate conflicts ? namely: the upcoming referendum in Scotland and the terror attack at Tiananmen Square in China.

This is a critical discourse analysis of the conformation of the conflict in Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo, as constructed by Ekot, a news-show on Radio Sweden. The ambition of this bachelor thesis is to examine the production of a Congolese conflict for a Swedish audience and to find out how the construction differences with and without a reporter in the field. To obtain this purpose the narrative is studied as well as the use of voices that define the conflict. The construction of proximity between Swedish audience and the Congolese event and the meaning of sound to stabilize the formation of discourse within foreign news is examined as well. To conform and explain foreign news it must be put in relation to a starting point.

This essay is essentially an analytical comparison of economic and democratic values. The purpose of this is to understand whether or not a conflictof values is in effect, given that democratic values have been expressed as highly desirable and in need of reinforcement while simultaneously economic values in the shape of New Public Management enjoy widespread acceptance andimplementation.Denna text utgör ett försök att ställa demokratiska och ekonomiska värden mot varandra för att se om värdekonflikt föreligger i en situation då demokratiska värden uttryckts som önskvärda och i behov av förstärkning och där New PublicManagement, ett reformprogram som i grunden utgör ett försök att införa mekanismer för styrning och organisation som byggts på marknadsekonomiska värderingsprinciper i stor omfattning genomdrivits inom offentlig sektor. I texten förs ett resonemang som når fram till slutsatsen att en värdekonflikt faktiskt på sätt och vis kan sägas föreligga mellan demokratiska och ekonomiska värdena om ekonomisk effektivitet inom offentlig sektor behandlas mindre som ett medel för demokrati, än som ett mål i sig självt. Frågan visar sig i slutändan handla om användandet av en ny normativ logik som inte är fullt kompatibla med den kontext den försöks infogas i..

In the world after the Cold War, internal and ethnic conflicts have been predominant. Ethnic conflicts have their own theories on why they erupt and what can be done to solve them. This essay seeks to analyze how the Ethnic Security Dilemma can explain the causes, and possible solutions, of today´s armed ethnic conflicts.By making an ideal types typology over different types of ethnic conflicts, and then analyzing the Ethnic Security Dilemma´s impact on each conflict type.

In this thesis I have discussed about conflict management in school, from a teacher´s perspective. Focus has been on Swedish schools, especially on the teachers who are active in primary school. Several perspectives have been given, including an intercultural approach which has been the most recurrent. The importance of teachers? emotional maturity, knowledge about democracy and values, as well as teacher?s impact by being a sharp leader in different ways are other subjects the essay has touched.

Based on last years events that have taken place, events on the school Lundbergs and the police values of work, has the meaning of having a set of values been questioned. This study aimed to investigate and answer the fundamental values based on the common value basis for the government employees within an organization and how it perceived by employees. The new institutional theory was the framework for this qualitative study conducted with semi-structured interviews. Respondents were employees within the organization. Ethnographic qualitative methodology was the basis for our methodology and we used a thematic model of theme interpretation, communication and knowledge in our analysis.

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar?s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative.

This essay examines a presupposed correlation between the way one look upon values and the way one look upon the will of the people in a theoretical democratic context. The more specific purpose is to test the following hypothesis: There is a reversed connection between the way one look upon values and the way one look upon the will of the people in a theoretical democratic context, that is; a strong claim of values give reason to a limited conception of the will of the people and a weak claim of values gives reason for a more unlimited conception of the will of the people.In order to test the hypothesis I examine three different conceptions of democracy, these are: pluralist democracy, deliberative democracy and constitutional democracy. I analyze the way they look upon values, there view of the will of the people and finally if there is a connection between the way they look upon values and the will of the people. Values should be understood in a metaethical context. In other words it is not values in the ?common? meaning, instead its how val-ues in them selves should be understood, and even more relevant, what we mean when we ex-press values.My conclusions are, first and foremost, that there is a correlation between the will of the people and values, according to the formulation of the hypothesis.

In this thesis I have discussed about conflict management in school, from a teacher´s perspective. Focus has been on Swedish schools, especially on the teachers who are active in primary school. Several perspectives have been given, including an intercultural approach which has been the most recurrent. The importance of teachers? emotional maturity, knowledge about democracy and values, as well as teacher?s impact by being a sharp leader in different ways are other subjects the essay has touched.