The aim of this thesis is to examine the rights of internally displaced persons as well as finding out whose responsibility it is to maintain these rights. The questions being answered are: what policies, laws and conventions are addressing internally displaced persons in Somalia (mainly from within Somalia, UN and AU)? And; which principal similarities and differences in these documents are to find regarding what type of protection internally displaced persons can get? Whose responsibility is it to intervene if these rights and rules are not maintained? To answer these questions I have used a liberal-universal theoretical framework. The analysis is a describing case study of comparative nature between the Provisional Somalia Constitution, UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and the Kampala Convention. The result shows that there are many different rights of internally displaced persons in Somalia.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how university students, who are not members of a political party, experiencing existing selective and collective incentives for involvement in a political party. Furthermore, the study will highlight incentives which could help the political parties to increase their membership. The study is based on seven interviews and the respondents were selected after conducting a survey of students? political involvement. The interviews were analyzed through the theory of selective and collective incentives. The study shows that the incentives, both selective and collective, for involvement in a political party in general are weak and that the costs in terms of time, money and education are seen as too high.

This is an interview based qualitative case study on two Women's Migrant Associations in Malmoe, which I interpret as being part of a women's movement, with characteristics of a new social movement. The aim of this study is to get a deeper understanding on how the collective identity is being constructed, in this women's movement where the membership is not based on an exclusive ethnic identity.I make a two dimensional analysis that departs from a social constructivist underpinning, including the theories Transversial Politics, Postcolonial feminism and New Social Movement Theory.First I analyze the construction of collective identity from the external social and cultural context, and get confirmed that the collective identity of the movement is based on a common experience of social exclusion and a plurality of actions that aims to fight the structural injustices based on gender and ethnic discrimination. Secondly I analyze how the collective identity is being constructed and maintained from the interactions between the members of the movement, from an understanding of Transversial Politics. My findings show that the members of the movement interact in a participatory democratic way which generally corresponds to Transversial Politics. According to Transversial Politics this can lead to a construction of an empowered inclusive collective identity for the members and as my empirical study confirms it also means possibilities for deconstruction of boundaries between social groups..

The differences between the sexes when it comes to land and property ownership are enormous. This paper deals with issues concerning women's land and property rights. The aim of the study is to investigate what general factors are effecting women's access to and control of land. In addition, this paper aims to explore the effects of liberal formalism in relation to gender equality and the distribution of land. Formalism and formalization of women's land rights alone won't lead to equality in land distribution or women's emancipation.

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is probably the world's most known andinternationally most respected document. The purpose of this study is to examine if the UDHRreflects universal values and norms and to assess its moral and juridical relevance today, 60 yearsafter the adoption. The literature used in this literature-based critical study is mainly written bythe academic elite of the discourse on Human Rights. By comparing these sources I have reachedthe conclusion that the UDHR is still today an important document because of its continuinginfluence on international lawmaking and because of the encouragement and aspirations tomankind in the never-ending struggle for the rights it represents..

The purpose of this essay has been to compare different constitutions, and their outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This has been done in the light of the political philosophy, in order to give the answer to four questions. These questions are: Which rights and obligations can be seen in the constitutions, and how can it be interpreted. Can there be signs of any political philosophy in the constitutions?  Are there any differences between the constitutions regarding citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty? If so, what are the differences? Can the rights be seen in a further extent than the obligations in the constitutions?I have conducted a qualitative comparision study and analyzed the political philosophers and made a classification scheme of their views.

The fundamental freedoms and human rights is something the countries, and its citizens, of theEuropean Union more or less take for granted. However, in recent years these rights have become atopic of discussion in the way that a debate about the Islamic headscarves has developed. Thisdebate has resulted in that a number of countries, including France, have taken legislative measuresto ban clothing that fully covers ones face. Out of these bans a discussion has arisen concerning thefundamental freedoms and human rights. These burqa bans, as it is labeled in the pubic debate, havebeen accused to wrongfully limit the individuals freedoms and human rights.This study therefore has the aim to analyze these burqa bans in relation to the European Union,United Nations and the Council of Europe?s general declarations concerning the fundamentalfreedoms and basic human rights.The main result of this study shows that these bans in fact is not a proportionally restrict in thefundamental freedoms and human rights.

On November 1989 the Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. Today more than 20 years later the convention is ratified by all countries in the world except the USA. A question asked is however if the convention after 20 years of development work has in fact accomplished some positive effects for children around the world? The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in selected states and to reach this aim some questions need to be answered: What do the selected states do to realize the best interest of the child?What do the selected states do to guarantee all children?s right to survival and development?Do all children in the selected states have the same right to health and health services?Do all children in the selected states have the same right to education? The material studied in this thesis is those reports that are to be sent periodically to the Committee on the Rights of the Child by all states. The result of this study shows that the Convention on the Rights of the Child has made some positive progresses when it comes to the situation of the child in the world.

Right-wing populism has through the past decades flourished in several countries in Europe. Research has shown that right-wing populism is, with its political starting point in ?the people?, focusing on the majority and is sometimes excluding the minorities from the politics. Since human rights regulations are mainly a protection of minority rights, the aim is to examine if the politics of the Sweden Democrats, as a case of a growing right-wing populist party, is a threat to human rights and in that case, in what respects. The thesis is supposed to answer the question in what respects the politics of the Sweden Democrats contravene with the European Convention?s protection of minority rights.

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception.The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. .

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the 9/11 attacks, the landscape of the freedom of religion has changed. The issues now facing freedom of religion varies greatly from the issues that the drafters of the universal declaration of human rights faced after World War II.In the light of the new issues that States face in the intersection of religion and societal interest, scholars have criticized the European Court of Human Rights to give too much leeway to the States in determining how the human rights should be implemented, by using the doctrine of margin of appreciation. Critics of the margin of appreciation claim that it is based on culture relativism and that the doctrine undermines the universality of the human rights. In order to decide if the margin of appreciation has indeed led to a relativization of the human rights I compared it to the jurisprudence of the UN Human Rights Committee and its use of the Syracusa principles. My conclusion is that the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights cannot be considered to be based on culture relativism.

AimThe aim of this study is to investigate who can be considered to be the owner of the broadcasting rights on sport events in Sweden. Furthermore our aim is to investigate how the owners can protect their rights.The reason why we are interested in this subject is that there is no legislation in this field. There is no legislation on who the owner is and there are no arena rights that protect the broadcasting rights. We have studied case law and legislation in other countries and tried to apply it to Swedish conditions. We have posed the following questions:Who owns the broadcasting rights on sport events in Sweden?What legal protection does the owners of the broadcasting rights have for their rights?MethodThe study is based on literature studies and interviews.

Since the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted in 1979 there has been evident progress in the area of women's rights in great parts of the world, although this progress is still foremost concentrated to the Westernhemisphere. In Argentina, the work with gender equality and women's rights set of strongly during the last decade. The country has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishmentand Eradication of Violence against Women "Convention of Belem Do Para" but still women and girls are victims of structural discrimination and serious impunity of their rights on a daily basis.The current situation proves that the positive changes within the context of international and national law do not necessary reach out to the population to the same extent. In the light of the lacking popular involvement and knowledge of their rights, a different type of solution is desirable. Therefore it would be of interest to examinate the role of Non Governmental Organisations (NGO:s) when it comes to implementing human rights in the society and ?the every day life?.

AbstractCopyright is designed to not interfere with society's general and overriding interest of effective competition. An effective market competition benefits consumers by lowering prices, raising the quality and expands the range of goods and services.The purpose of the paper is to investigate if the collecting societies licensing violates competition laws. On the basis of the investigation regarding the bill for a new Swedish copyright law (URL), mainly the new wording that regulates the license agreement, corresponds to the EU competition rules and customs within the area.The collecting societies licensing violates the competition laws in the following cases? Discrimination of members because of nationality?           Authors transferring their sole rights to global exploitation?           The collecting society have the right to manage the rights after the author have left as a member?           Users that are established abroad do not get access to the repertoire of  the collecting societies, the same goes for concerted practice if this is the purpose or result?           Parallel behaviours that cannot be explained objectively?           Dividing the market?           Fixed Prices?           Refusal to sign multi-territorial licenses?           Apply different conditions for equivalent transactions resulting in competition disadvantages for a company that cannot be justified by reasonable causesCurrently there are no indications that the new bill to a new URL violates EU law. The author of the paper thinks this may change if the collective management extends, so that other member states get the extended license agreements, then the single market is affected by the competition restriction that the new bill to the URL mean.

It is the aim of this paper to examine, and analyze at a discursive level, the Swedish Democrats' interpretation of the term 'human rights', as this is presented in the material available on the party's official website. The goal is then to investigate in what manner the party portrays its political ambitions in relation to 'human rights'. The theoretical foundation for this analysis is discourse theory as it is presented in the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.Furthermore, the aim is also to examine whether the Swedish Democrats? interpretation of 'human rights' is compatible with the established understanding of the term, such as this is presented in the international UN treaties on human rights. This will be done by thoroughly examining and comparing certain aspects of the Swedish Democrats' political ambitions, such as they have been portrayed in the analytical section of the paper, with relevant sections of the UN treaties..