This is a case study of work for gender equality, performed by the Employment and Competence Centre (Arbets- och kompetenscenter) in the municipality of Botkyrka. The aim of the study is to explore how gender equality is understood in the context of a municipality, and what underlying assumptions this understanding is based upon. The questions raised are; How is gender equality understood by the personnel? How do they understand gender? To what extent are women and men seen as homogeneous groups and what differences are (un)visible? What other power hierarchies besides gender are seen as important when working for gender equality? The analysis show that gender equality is a blurry vision, mainly understood in terms of equal conditions and rights, equal results for male and female participants and equal amount of women and men employed. Gender is seen as a binary system and differences between the genders are highlighted.

I have studied how network in a broad sense can affect decision-making. The primary purpose is to see if the political initiative somewhere disappears when it comes to understand the relations between power, actors and politics. The study discuss in a theoretical area that concerns the reliability in neoinstitutionalism to use as an analytical instrument. Some criticism is given to the theoretical standpoint in the sense that there is no power perspective included in the theory. I include a discussion about a concept of power, which I include to the theory.

Critique regarding religious practices has become more and more apparent in today's society.Sans magazine has become a voice in the Swedish debate regarding religions undertakings and have received opposition from various directions. As Sans magazine, issue no.1, is accused of being islamophobic, the critique is focused on the internal discourse within the atheist and agnostic society. As Sans issue no.2 came out, it did not focus on Islam or any of the abrahamic religions but instead it discussed New age and the nature of pseudoscience.I sought to evolve the didactic discource regarding ?truth? and ?reality? by finding if thediscourse within Sans is apparent and if so, what it is based upon. The analysis also focuses onthe terms used to describe new age and pseudoscience.

Elevers empatiska förståelse och handlingsberedskap mot förtryck och rasism är intimt förknippad med den inlevelse som kan skapas med stöd av vittnesskildringar. Lärdomar vi kan dra av Förintelsen är därför ett viktigt stöd för att forma en kulturell norm för utbildning och pedagogik vilken vilar på samhällets värdegrund: demokrati, mänskliga rättigheter, tolerans och tålamod samt opposition mot rasism och totalitära ideologier. Detta examensarbete beskriver teorier om möjligheter och risker med olika sätt att hantera historia och ger förslag på hur Förintelseöverlevandes berättelser kan föras vidare in i framtiden. Den teoretiska basen är ett hermeneutiskt perspektiv på den muntliga historiens användningsområden, dess pålitlighet och betydelse som källa samt vittnesmålens möjlighet att utveckla empatisk förståelse. Uppsatsen tar upp svårigheten att vittna och problematik i mötet mellan avsändare och mottagare, med hänsyn till möjligheten att förmedla vittnesmål med rörliga bilder för att möjliggöra empatisk förståelse..

The three post-communist states - Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine ? have gone different ways in terms of freedom and democracy since the breakdown of the Soviet Union 1991. During these years, the state and the civil society have been fundamental actors in the struggle against, and even for, authoritarianism.A strong state with great capacity in Belarus has undermined the chances for the civil society to fulfil its task as a watchdog of the state and link between the citizens and the government.Failed authoritarianism in Moldova has led to a situation where both the state and the civil society are weak. The major problem is lack of organization and cohesion; both the state and the civil society have often been divided by ethnical differences and are therefore not strong enough to promote democracy.In Ukraine, the dominance of a strong state ended in 2004 when the Orange Revolution took place, sometimes called a ?peak of democracy? where popular mobilization and protests succeeded in it's opposition against the state.

Detta examensarbete är gjort med syfte att identifiera diskurser i medias framställning av hemlösheten och de hemlösa samt att se om dessa diskurser har någon ideologisk grund. Tidigare forskning har visat på två huvudgrupper av diskurser där individens ansvar respektive samhällets ansvar ställs mot varandra. För detta genomfördes en diskursiv analys av debattartiklar och politiska uttalanden som publicerats i Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Vi valde att fokusera på dessa två tidningar då de är två av de tidningar som ges ut i störst upplaga i Sverige.  Tre övergripande diskurser kunde skönjas; samhällsperspektivet, individperspektivet samt individ- och samhällsperspektiv. I vårt resultat visade det sig att individperspektivet var den mest utbredda diskursen.

The purpose of this paper is to do an analysis of the characters and the theater/masquerade motif in C.J.L. Almqvist?s Drottningens juvelsmycke (The Queen?s Diadem), based on queer theory, by using Judith Butlers?s Gender Trouble. As an alternative to the Swedish, gender determined, feminine pronoun ?hon?, which has been used by earlier critics concerning the main character of the book, ?hen? is proposed.

The research objective of this thesis was to conduct a holistic evaluation of an operational information system. By holistic evaluation we mean that an equal focus was placed on both the system system perspective and its users user perspective, in the actual environment where the system and its users function contextuality. In addition, the methodological objective of the study was to test a new research approach in a real life setting. The participants of the study were twenty newspaper journalists employed at Göteborgs-Posten GP. The information system NewsLink is a manually indexed full-text database containing all articles published in GP since 1994.

SammanfattningDet övergripande syftet med denna studie är att studera medias definition av skolan. Detta görs genom en gestaltningsanalys av de artiklar som skrevs i tre månader efter att resultatet av den senaste PISA-undersökningen (2013) publicerades. Vi har valt ut en kvällstidning och en dagstidning samt två fackförbundstidningar för att också kunna uttala oss om huruvida den bild av skolan som ges skiljer sig beroende på om tidningarna befinner sig inom professionen eller utanför.Ett resultat visar att det är en splittrad bild av skolan som återges i tidningarna. Den tydligaste skillnaden rör hur tidningarna ser på PISA-undersökningen som mätinstrument. Dagstidningen och kvällstidningen tenderar att acceptera PISA-undersökningen som ett gott mätinstrument medan fackförbundstidningarna kritiserar hur verktyget används i debatten.

This essay conducts a descriptive analysis of the ideas expressed by NATO´s official security strategy "Strategic Concept" from 2010 and the European Union?s security strategy "A Secure Europe in a Better World" from 2003. The purpose of this analysis is to examine whether the ESDP and NATO are compatible with each other when it comes to the role of security policy actor. To do so, I´ve chosen to analyse the actors' security strategies based on three dimensions. These dimensions are: Their view of the international scene, their views on cooperation and their views on how to reach security.

This paper deals with institutional and structural factors' influence on democratic transition in limited multiparty regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa. Comparing the cases Kenya and Tanzania, of which the former has made a transition to democracy and the latter has not, this paper reaches the conclusion that political traditions, the coalescing of the opposition, and the elites ability to learn from the electoral process is essential for a transition to democracy. In the specific cases, the harshness of the Moi regime and the Tanzanian vision of national unity may possibly carry some explanatory power, alongside the pressure from international actors.These results have been reached through the application of a comparative case study, where democratic transition constitutes the dependent variable. It should be noted that a harsh definition of the term transition has been applied, according to which the incumbents actual loss of an election is a necessary indicator for transition. However, the Freedom House and Polity scores have been brought up as complement of this definition.

Abstract   The actions of Sweden during the second world war has been richly discussed over the years. Sweden declared itself neutral in the war between the great powers but did not manage to maintain its neutrality. The nature of neutrality has often been discussed; whether it is of a idealistic or more pragmatic nature. Realism, a theory of international relations, would argue that it is of a more pragmatic nature, hence these two are in opposition. Realism also takes credit in claiming to explain how and why a state chooses to act in a situation. The aim of this essay was to, by examining specific decisions made by the swedish government during the Second World War, come to a conclusion whether or not Sweden?s proclaimed neutrality was of idealistic or pragmatic nature, and thereby possibly coming to a conclusion about neutrality in large.It was also to examine the worth of realism as an explanatory theory by applying it to this specific case; to examine its validity.The study was conducted using a qualitative method; presenting empiric facts and then by using a decision model interpreting the actions and results from a realist perspective. The study concludes that realism has explanatory power, although not a complete one.

SammanfattningSyftet med föreliggande uppsats var att ta reda på hur allians respektive opposition konstruerar och framställer resonemang om den personliga integriteten. I dessa resonemang gick det även att urskilja några övergripande perspektiv utifrån riksdagens protokoll. Protokollen som valdes ut begränsades till tidsperioden 1 januari, 2007- 31 januari, 2008. En diskursanalys har använts som metod för undersökningen där några av Jonathan Potters begrepp tillämpades för att se hur alliansen och oppositionen framförde sina argumentationer. Resultatet visade med hjälp av analysverktyget en likhet i sättet att argumentera om personlig integritet trots det faktum att de innehar olika ståndpunkter.

Att dricka alkohol efter en körning med avsikten att dölja ett rattfylleri är inte kriminellt i Sverige, trots att en lagstiftning mot beteendet diskuterats i 60 år. Kraven på ett kriminaliserande av s.k. eftersupning kommer ofta från inflytelserika personer och politiska utspel i frågan har inte varit någon bristvara. Ändå verkar lagen hopplös att förverkliga. Problemen med att få en lagstiftning på plats visar på att förfarandet inte är helt okomplicerat.

The ability of emigrants to contribute to their homelands through the sending of remittances has been intensely recognised in recent years. This is especially true for developing countries for whom this money is seen to be an important source of funds from abroad. Eritrea is often mentioned in terms of success in the way they have mobilised the capacities of their diaspora. Since the Eritrean independence in1993 adults in the diaspora have been asked to contribute two per cent of their income to the Eritrean state. They have also been asked to make other donations at times of need.