During the last few years the western world has seen an increasing interest in the topic of atheism, with bestselling books by writers like Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris and Christopher Hitchens. The critic of religions that these writers have brought to the table have not gone unmet, with writers like Dinesh D'Souza rushing to the defence of Chrisianity.Taking on the arguments of New York Times bestselling author Dinesh D'Souza in the current debate on the existece of God and the usefullness of religion, I here examine the claim by D'Souza that atheism, in fact, is responsible for the worst mass murders of history. In taking D'Souza's arguments and analyzing them on its own philosophical merits, with methods like the process of elimination and information evaluation (i.e source criticism), I will here show just exactly how persuasive these arguments prove to be. In the following pages we will not only discuss the role of atheism in 20th centuary totalitarianism, but also answer questions like ?Was Hitler an atheist or a theist??, ?Is atheism responsible for the worst crimes of history?? and ?Are people who believe in God in fact more moral the those who do not??.

The purpose of this masters thesis is to examine the arguments that are being used when closing and establishing peoples libraries. During the 90:ies, in the community of Gothenburg, 4 public libraries were closed and another 3 public libraries were opened. A possible reason for this change lies in the reform from the city Committee that split the community of Gothenburg into 21 pieces; all with one centrally appointed political Committee. The library activity has since the reform was implemented got worse in some areas, foremost in the already neglected city sections, and better in some areas, which where able to establish new libraries. Argumentation analysis indicates that the arguments used at closure where mainly economical and neither the number nor relevance and validity of the arguments where good.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the Argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

The purpous of this master?s thesis is to explore how the swedish public library evolved between 1890-1911, before the state implemented the library reform in 1912. The material used to cunduct the study concists mainly of texts published during the time frame of the thesis in the form of books, booklets and articles from Folkbiblioteksbladet, a journal dedicated to the subject of the swedish public library.Drawing upon Habermas theory of the structural transformation of the public sphere and Bourdieus theories about taste as social distinction and symbolic capital, the thesis seeks to show how the public participated in the evolvement of the public library and which aspects of society that contributed to the public library?s establishment as an institution. The findings are also discussed in relation to previous research of the history of the Swedish public library.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera debatten som tog plats på hemsida Newsmill åren 2010och 2012 om intelligent design. Fokusen i själva textanalysen är en Argumentationsanalys somtillsammans med kritisk diskursanalys skall utröna och förstå den maktförskjutning som går attfinna inom diskursen. Den kritiska diskursanalysen är byggd på Norman Fairclough. Analysen ärordnad kronologiskt och innefattar tjugotre artiklar allt som allt.Fokus i själva analysen ligger i att utröna och förstå hur debattörerna ställer sig till religion ochvetenskap i deras Argumentation kring intelligent design. Här går att finna hur religion ofta förs insom begrepp i relation till personers emotionella agerande och överlag blir religion en belastning fördebattörerna.

This thesis is an analysis based on the problem of defining a humanitarian intervention and argues when or not, it is appropriate to operate it. The interest lies in finding out whether the argument itself is justifiable,not whether the act of interference was justifiable. My hypothesis is that both private and international operatios misuse the definition "humanitarian interventions" as an excuse to trespass the laws of war. Behind the idea of protecting human rights, freedom and democracy, is the liberalist idea of all individuals being equal. The respect for their freedom and rights drives outside actors to intervene when crimes are comitted against them.

Anne Charlotte Leffler, Victoria Benedictsson and Frida Stéenhoff were all part of the Modern Breakthrough in Swedish literature. By utilizing Jürgen Habermas theoretical works on communicative action, and Nancy Fraser?s supplementary reading of his theory, this essay makes clear that the authors? struggle for an understanding and a rethinking of social norms in their plays Skådespelerskan (1873), Romeos Julia (1888) and Lejonets unge (1896) can be read as a contribution to the public debate. Dialogue has a key function for female authors during the Modern Breakthrough. Women and mens? possibilities to take part in conversation and argument as equals, requires the professional woman?s transgression and access to the privileges of both public (State) administration ? ?system?, and world of everyday life ? ?lifeworld?.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the Argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the Argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

Introduktion: Under 2011 till året därpå var två politiker, Carl Bildt (moderat utrikesminister) och Håkan Juholt (Socialdemokraternas partiledare), utsatta för mediedrev: Etiopiensvenskar-na och bostadsaffären. Juholt var som en svamp som sög upp all kritik medan Bildt framstod som teflon i jämförelse. Hur kommer det sig att Bildt klarade sig och fick sitta kvar som mi-nister, medan Juholt avgick?Problem: Vad är det som skiljer Bildt från Juholts retorik under mediedreven 2011 enligt sta-tusläran? Hur ramar journalisterna in debatten för Bildt respektive Juholt?Teori: Med statusläran (stasis theory) kan en sakfråga analyseras retoriskt genom ett av fyra status (?ställning?): fakta, definition, kvalitet eller procedur. Exempelvis, ett dödande kan handla om huruvida det ägt rum (fakta), om det var mord eller självförsvar (definition), om det var rätt (kvalitet) samt om frågan ska avgöras i annat forum (procedur).

This essay is about the Northern Ireland Conflict and the Belfast Agreement. Its focus is on the development in Northern Ireland politics after the implementationof the Agreement which was ratified in a referendum. The essay is a case studywhich analyzes the progress towards an Assembly Government and powersharingbetween the unionists and the nationalists/republicans. The development is analyzed with Robert D. Putnam's theory of Two-Level Games? The essay first analyzes the changes in the unionist society where the opinion towards the agreement has been negative which depends on the concessions made by the unionist.

This paper concerns the question of how one can frame a political message. I investigate how a political frame is bound both to the line of Argumentation connected with a certain discourse and to the audience closely related to that discourse.I have chosen to study a single case where the policy process was characterized by a framing contest. The case shows how negotiating the new Services Directive is affected by framing efforts made by the parties negotiating.My conclusions are that the question of a Services Directive lent itself to a definition in terms of "either/or"-arguments. Thus the Directive could be considered either a threat or a possibility. It was the very nature of the matter - the development of the internal market on services - that made possible a debate along the lines of a "left/right"-struggle and where a frame that drew from the European Social Model offered the better explanation thereby succeding in defining the new Directive as a threat.

Frågan om skatteavdrag för hushållsnära tjänster har under två decennier debatterats i Sverige. År 2007 genomförde den nytillträdda borgerliga regeringen en sådan reform, delvis med Argumentationen att det skulle leda till ökad jämställdhet mellan kvinnor och män. Med hjälp av ideologikritisk metod undersöker uppsatsen vilka underliggande föreställningar om jämställdhet och vilka föreställningar om tänkta köpare och säljare av hushållstjänster som uttrycktes i denna Argumentation, samt hur den statliga jämställdhetsmyndigheten JämO förhöll sig till förslaget. Med utgångspunkt i materialistisk feminism och ett intersektionellt perspektiv diskuteras vilka brister och inneboende motsättningar den svenska, hegemoniska jämställdhetsideologin innehar, när den ska appliceras på en verklighet där maktstrukturer baserade på klass, kön och etnicitet samspelar. Detta exemplifieras i uppsatsen genom reformen med skatteavdrag för hushållstjänster..

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the Argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

This thesis aims at studying the European Union?s actions against applicant states. In this case Turkey has been chosen as a variable, because of its unique applying accession.Turkey is a country which has been applying for a membership of the European Union since 1989 and Turkey is the only state which has been searching for membership for more than twenty years. Turkey has been given a lot of critic of not fulfilling the political criteria of the Copenhagen criteria?s.