Participating in peace support operations has been and remains a significant part of the Swedish defense and security politics. Since the end of the Cold War, the Swedish national defence has been more and more dismantled, in favor of international peace support operations which have become an increasingly important task for the Swedish defence. Why then, is Sweden so engaged in conflicts so far from home? Using two classic theories of international politics, realism and liberalism, this study aims to shed light on arguments from the Swedish parliament on why it is important for Sweden to participate in international peace support operations. After analyzing arguments of the Social Democrat Party, the Moderate Party, the Green Party and the Liberal Party concerning three different peace support operations which Sweden has participated in, the result shows that although both realism and liberalism are influencing the parties? argumentation, liberalism is the theory which is used more often.

Which general outlines are preferable in the relation between organizations and government? From normative theory and method I throw light upon this question by defining and comparing two different democratic standpoints. The substantial democratic standpoint focuses on political effectiveness and the procedural democratic standpoint focuses on equal representation. The normative discussion aims at comparing how well the different standpoints function in political praxis. Since the ambition is to discuss concrete praxis I have also chosen to analyse an extensive case of interest influence in Swedish politics empirically.

This essay intervenes in the politics of urban segregation in Stockholm. The main aim of the essay is to analyze and describe how advanced marginality and territorial stigmatization are expressed in the lived experiences of four unemployed youths, that have participated in a labor market training program located in the ?social vulnerable? area Rågsved. With a theoretical framework based in Henri Lefebvre?s production of social space the empirical findings are interpreted in regard to how the youths produce social space in dialectical interplay with urban politics, advanced marginality, territorial stigmatization, and their local neighborhood.

The tradition of a strong church ruling in the Swedish society ages back to the very first start of Christianity reaching the country.  Due to the separation between the church and state in 2000 in Sweden, there have been a lot of changes. No longer would the church be able to influence the politics as it had been able to do before. Since Sweden is a democratic country, the decision had to be made in a voting amongst the parties. The purpose with this paper is to understand the argumentation made by the Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna and Centerpartiet. This has been made using a text analysis, which studies the argumentations made by the parties in their motions.

The purpose of this study was to examine whether the success of theconcept of empowerment in the field of social science can be explained by referring to it as the new paradigm replacing the former paternalistic era. Therefore, I investigate if the character of its history, domicile and practice has the same distinguishing features as the scientific progress. The analysis is based on Thomas Kuhn's definition of a scientific paradigm through the concepts of consensus, crisis and revolution. I also look for alternative ways to explain the sudden appearance of empowerment at the world agenda. Due to the lack of a uniform definition of the concept and the absence of common approaches in the stimulation of empowerment it's difficult to argue that the situation is marked by consensus.

While conducting our practical training we experienced how the structure and the complexity of the municipal administration could, from a white-collar workers perspective, become a limitation and burden for efficient work. Deriving from this experience we found an interest in how politicians reasoned with regards to their relationship with supervisor in municipal old-age care. Kouzes och Micos (1979) ?Theory of organizational behavior in human service? became our point of departure. Their framework was therefore the foundation for our research and work throughout this paper.Our aim with this research was to examine how politicians viewed their relationship with supervisor in municipal old-age care.

The purpose of this essay has been to find out how adolescents from Södermöre in the municipality of Kalmar experience the central place Kalmar. It has also been the intention to make clear, whether the relation between the adolescents and the central place Kalmar could be described as a centre-periphery-relation. The basis of this essay has been interviews of all together nine adolescents.A centre-periphery-situation can according to the theory be discovered by analyzing three categories: culture, economy and politics. If the centre dominates the periphery in one of these three categories, a centre-periphery-situation exists. The theory also says that the people living in the periphery experience less kinship with the people living in the centre.The adolescents from Södermöre showed to experience the central place Kalmar in a way, that can be described in five categories: travelling mostly by bus, unfair distribution of the resources of the municipality, political equality, social equality and the awareness of the central place Kalmar as the place ?where everything is located?.When it came to economy and politics, no indications of a centre-periphery-situation were found during the interviews with the adolescents.

In my paper I have compared popular science and neutral science regarding language and construction. My task was to find out if there are differences between the language of popular science and that of scientific science. The purpose of my paper is to answer four questions1.How do the authors present the bogbodies and the mummies in the two categories?2.What does the popular science imagine that you want to read about?3.Is there a difference between the target groups of the two categories?4. Does the presentation of the subject have consequenses when it comes to contents and readers?I have studied how often the authors use drawings, photos, diagrams, maps, and if the titles of the chapters can tell you something about the nature of books.

National identity, multiculturalism and invisible norms are three conceptions focused on in this essay. They are discussed and analysed with the purpose of deepening deepen the understanding of their meaning. Further on they become instruments in a study of the Liberal Party's proposal for new politics of integration. My ambition is to distinguish signs of a Swedish national identity in this proposal and to interpret the party's relation to multiculturalism.The method of this essay comprises partly a literature study and partly a qualitative analysis of text.My discussion and analysis ended in an understanding of national identity and multiculturalism as complex and interrelated conceptions. I found parts of a Swedish national identity in the value of working, in the fear of the cultural unknown and of eventual anti Swedish culture, in the idea of Sweden as the best country in the world considering gender equality and in the strong defence for the Swedish language.

While conducting our practical training we experienced how the structure and the complexity of the municipal administration could, from a white-collar workers perspective, become a limitation and burden for efficient work. Deriving from this experience we found an interest in how politicians reasoned with regards to their relationship with supervisor in municipal old-age care. Kouzes och Micos (1979) ?Theory of organizational behavior in human service? became our point of departure. Their framework was therefore the foundation for our research and work throughout this paper. Our aim with this research was to examine how politicians viewed their relationship with supervisor in municipal old-age care.

The representative democracy has become weakened during the last decades. At the same time the United Nations declared at the Rio de Janeiro meeting in 1992 that environmental problems can best be solved by involvement of all concerned citizens in decision-making. The main purpose of this study has been to examine if citizens panels is a possible way to involve citizens in environmental decision-making and what the outcomes can be. Furthermore the study has investigated what the participation has contributed to environmental politics and how representative the results have been. This has been carried out by investigating the Piteåpanel in the municipality of Piteå by conducting interviews.The result of the study shows that the involvement of the citizens in the decision-making influenced the environmental politics of the municipality.

Folkhälsovetenskapligt program.

This theisis aims to expand the understanding of how the termination of Östran local editorial staff is effecting the municipality politics and organisation orientated substance of the rivale newspaper Barometern when it becomes a monopoly news paper. I examine if the hypothesis in consideration of the press investigation of 1972 will occur through a quantitative analysis of selected articles in Barometern and Östran in 2010 and 2014. I examine if the information will be insufficient, if it will be a monopoly of opinion formation, if the investigative journalism will be suffering and if the group communication will be worse.With this analysis it becomes clear that the news paper Barometern cover less of the municipality politics and organisation orientated substance when it is a competive news paper. My analysis shows us that the information will not be insufficient, it will not be a monopoly of opinion formation, the investigative journalism will not be suffering and the group communication will be worse when Östrans local editorial staff is terminated. .

Flexicurity is a union of the English words flexibility and security. The union of the two words to one common term, hints that flexibility and security does not have to be each others counterparts in order to achieve good economical development and employment. Flexicurity, as it is found in Denmark, is described as a three part model composed of active labour market politics, generous financial compensation in the case of unemployment and flexible labour law. The existence of strong collective agreements and three part cooperation is of great importance for the good flow of the Danish model. The same goes for education of different kinds.

The focus in this study is on the situation of Roma in Sweden. The purpose is to see the integration strategies that are reflected in Swedish politics, considering the inclusion of Roma. Idea analysis has been used as method, and I have analysed the text to find expressions of four different ideal types that represent four different types of integrations processes. The material consists of the government?s strategy plan for the Roma?s inclusion in Sweden between 2012-2032.