AbstractThis thesis discusses ideological and rhetorical change of the Moderate Party of Sweden. The aim of the thesis has been to study the party during a time-span of almost 20 years, trying to identify changes related to each of the three party leaders.A hypothesis was developed, suggesting that the three party leaders each represented a different kind of ideology namely neo-conservatism, neo-liberalism and social liberalism. By studying newspaper articles and protocols from the Swedish Parliament, riksdagen, I was able to verify the hypothesis in all but the first party leader, Carl Bildt. It was showed that his ideology had more in common with New Right than with neo-liberalism.After identifying these changes I looked for explanations within Party Strategy Theory and Social Change Theory. My conclusions were that the changes could be understood by the great loss of voters in the election of 2002 and that agents within the Moderate Party acted upon the ambition to win new and old voters to the party, thereby recognizing the need for change.Keywords: Ideological Change, Rhetorical Change, The Moderate Party,Neo-Liberalism, Neo-Conservatism, Social Liberalism..

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the construction of consensus in commune-collaborations. By a review of written material combined with elite interviews we have been able to follow the decision-making and the forming of consensus, in a commune-collaboration called NOSAM, in which they have decided to use consensus as a decision method. The thesis is based on a case study and we have decided to follow a specific issue that has been discussed for some time.We have created an instrument based on the ideal of deliberative democracy, through which we have been able to examine whether the decision-making in NOSAM can be described as a deliberative process or if consensus is formed by other incentives.The study shows that the decision-making in NOSAM cannot be described as a deliberative process, although there are some elements of deliberation. Consensus is formed in a proposition drawn up by the officials for the commune-representatives to agree on. Afterwards, the decision has to be brought up in each commune before reaching a final decision in NOSAM.Our opinion is that having consensus as the decision method leads to difficulties when deciding on bigger issues..

Inom demokratiforskningen har forskare länge pekat på ekonomisk utvecklingspositiva effekter i demokratiprocesser. Dock finns ett antal länder som avvikerfrån den modellen, exempelvis Singapore. Landet har gått från utvecklingsland tillmodernt industriland på 50 år, dock ges inte befolkningen grundläggande fri- ochrättigheter såsom yttrandefrihet.Utifrån teorin att det med ekonomisk utveckling i regel följer demokratisering,har vi i denna studie arbetat med Singapore som avvikande fall. Vi använderSingapore i en komparation med Sydkorea och Taiwan då dessa haft liknandeekonomisk utveckling och är belägna i samma region, men vars politiska utgångvarit en annan. Vi har funnit faktorer som etnisk sammansättning, förhållande tillandra länder i regionen, samt den unika politiska process som präglat landet harhaft en avgörande roll för den politiska utgången i Singapore..

Denna uppsats behandlar terrorism i ett demokratiskt Europa och speciellt de båda terroristgrupperna ETA i Spanien och IRA i Nordirland. De båda organisationerna har inom ett relativt kort tidsintervall valt att lägga ner sina vapen och har dessutom uttryckt en vilja att i fortsättningen vilja arbeta demokratiskt. Med vår studie har vi velat förklara varför denna förändring har skett. Vi har använt oss av en komparativ fallstudie för att på sätt finna förklaringar till de båda händelserna. Denna studie har utförts med hjälp av relevant statsvetenskaplig forskning och teorier.

Den övergripande avsikten med denna uppsats är att försöka ge en nyanserad bild av organisationsreceptet Lean Production. Vidare försöker jag utröna vilka potentiella vinster och risker som kan tänkas uppträda i samband med implementeringen av Lean Healthcare på Universitetssjukhuset i Lund. Utgångspunkten för denna analys är Region Skånes verksamhetsmål gällande personal, patienter och ekonomi. Analysen visar att det inte är helt okontroversiellt eller oproblematiskt att anpassa och införa produktionssystemet. Allvarligast verkar konsekvenserna kunna bli för tillgodoseendet av personalmålen, medan det ser mindre problematiskt ut gällande de ekonomiska målen och patientmålen.

Container Security Initiative was launched in 2002 by the US Customs and Border Patrol in order to secure the global flow of containers destined for USA. This thesis attempts to analyze Container Security Initiative in relation to a possible future scenario made by the weapons industry where the state's global traderoutes are being subject to militarization. A development which is partly based on the threat posed by global illegal trade. The latter is discussed and defined based on current research made by Carolyn Nordstrom, Moíses Naím and theories on the cosmopolitan perspective made by Ulrich Beck. Strategy documents concerning Container Security Initiative are then analyzed in terms of discourse to try to say something about what the program indicates.

Uppsatsen är en komparativ studie av dansk och svensk integrationspolitik. I uppsatsen ställs frågan om vilka åtgärder Sverige och Danmark vidtagit för att nå integration av invandrare och vad resultatet blivit av dessa. Uppsatsen fokuserar på fyra olika områden som kan anses indikera hur väl man i länderna lyckats med sitt integrationsarbete. Dessa områden är Arbete, utbildning, politiskt deltagande och bostadssituation, vilka har undersökts med hjälp av svensk och dansk statistik. Uppsatsen visar att invandrare på alla dessa områden ligger efter övriga invånare.

This thesis takes as its starting-point the different stands on the ever ongoing growth of multinational corporations (MNCs) and its consequences. Two opposing branches of theories, arguing that the establishment of MNCs in developing countries is good respectively bad for these countries, are tested for the aspect of state capacity. A quantitative method is then used to test if there exists such a relationship at all and if so, which of the two notions that are right.The presence of MNCs is measured as FDI of GDP while state capacity is defined as a combined index for three of ICRG's Political risk indicators. The two variables are analysed, mainly by cross tabulation, using an extensive dataset of 130 developing countries measured for a period of 20 years.The outcome is though ambiguous: No solid correlation can be found, but countries with a higher rate of FDI of GDP tend to have a slight worse rate of state capacity throughout the analysis. Thus the result points in favour of the notion that MNCs are bad for developing countries? state capacity.

Omfattningen av forskning gällande ungdomars tillit och identitet är något sparsam. Denna undersökning är en kartläggning av hur ungdomar i två områden i Göteborgsregionen skiljer sig åt i dessa avseenden. Som basis för undersökningen utförs intervjuer med fokusgrupper från högstadieskolor. Frågorna gäller gruppers kollektiva identitetskänsla och grad av tillit till samhället i stort. För att genomföra kartläggningen utgår man från tidigare forskningsrön på området och fördjupar sig i innebörden av begreppen identitet och tillit, vilket sedan sätts i relation till den eget utförda undersökningen.

Uppsatsen behandlar EU:s utvidgningspolitik och dess underliggande krafter. Syftet är att förklara Turkiets långa väg mot EU-medlemskap med hjälp av en jämförelse med Polen. Vårt teoretiska ramverk är en tredelad modell som förklarar individers och organisationers handlande. Modellen består av konsekvenslogik som rör rationella kalkyler om nytta, regellogik som behandlar situationsspecifika regler och uppfattningar om gemenskap och identitet, samt morallogik som tar sin utgångspunkt i universella principer som demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter. Förutom de officiella dokumenten rörande utvidgningen undersöker vi den inofficiella diskussionen - en relativt oprövad avgränsning i den europeiska kontexten.

Färskvatten förutspås i framtiden ? till följd av dess ökande knapphet ? ge upphov till många konflikter. Då vatten är en oersättlig resurs för såväl stat som individ är samarbete dock det vanligaste utfallet av knappheten idag. Denna studie ämnar undersöka det ovanligare utfallet (konflikt) och besvara frågeställningen: »varför har inte stabila avtal som reglerar hur vissa internationella vattendrag får nyttjas kommit till stånd?».

When Deng Xiaoping introduced his reform program, he began China's transition from a plan economy to a socialist market economy. Liberal theorists often argue that there is an automatic link between ?free market? and ?democracy?, however this link is not evident in China. This contradiction constitutes the problem area of this thesis.With a theoretical framework containing ?totalitarism? and ?Tang Tsous culturalist approach? I have analysed the leadership of CCP (China's Communist Party) and its strategies to maintain the Chinese political system.

Groups that are often referred to as being dismissed in society in general is by some aspects also considered being so in political arenas. A recent compilation of existing research over structurally based objections of gaining power and positions within Swedish parliamentary politics highlight a lack of research considering whether sexual orientation could be such a discriminatory basis. Using a queer theoretical approach, and drawing on concepts such as heteronormativity and homophobia, the principal aim of this essay is to illuminate aspects of local parliamentary political areas where discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation become relevant. In order to do so six in-depth interviews with homosexual politicians have been conducted. Finding a queer potential in certain ideological parliamentary political environments that enable homosexual politicians to be open about their sexual orientation, it still relies upon the individual to be confident enough not to interpret the political context as homophobic and heteronormative..

This study examines how managers in the public sector experience and manage their digital maturity in the context of digital transformation. The study is based on qualitative interviews with twelve managers and three developers in a municipality in western Sweden and is analyzed based on a theoretical framework that combines individuals digital maturity (DIMI model) with organizational conditions. The results show that managers' digital maturity is influenced by both individual and organizational factors. At the individual level, the importance of digital competence, self-efficacy, and willingness to participate in and lead change are emphasized. At the same time, organizational conditions such as coordination, resources, technical support and clear governance are required.

In 2003 the deciding political council in Bromölla municipality requested that an overhaul on the committee and public administration structure should be conducted. In the report Bromölla was characterized as a traditional organization with a low degree of change. This case study will examine why the organization previously has been reluctant to change its structure and why they are willing to do so now. In the pursuit of this objective I conducted document studies, interviews and observations. I have used theories on, institutional change and organizational culture to enlighten this.My findings shows that the traditionalists within the organization has greatly affected this reluctance towards change, in the deciding council 39 % of the representatives are 60 years or older.