The aim of this thesis is to form a theory of the green consumer power and to distinguish whether this phenomenon could indicate a movement toward the ecological citizenship. To do so, scientific theories regarding the responsibility of companies have been used, as well as the public choice theory, to link individuals as citizens to individuals as consumers. The motives of corporate environmental responsibility, along with consumers ability to bring pressure in different dimensions, are later drawn on as indicators applied to empirical information. The largest producer of ecological products in Sweden, Arla Foods, is employed as case study to explore if the green consumer power can and does exist. The ecological citizenship uses the ecological footprint, to define in what ways we can minimize our part of environmental degradation.The study seems to strengthen the theory, consumers do have a power to make companies go green and they tend to use it increasingly.

There is a clear difference between types of regions and forms of regionalization. This theoretical division can point out other division lines on different areas and levels, like the one of discourses. In this article is urged that regional political discourses may be divided in West and East European ones. To argue for West and East differences in regional discourse the article shows division lines both in the history of regionalization but also in ideologies. The regional policy of the EU is one example for today's regionalization as a West discourse and the Transylvanian in Rumania as an example for the East discourse.

The municipality of Olofström is intensifying the co-operation with Sölvesborg and Karlshamn, the two other municipalities in the west of Blekinge. They co-operate in two local federations and for the moment negotiations are going on about a third local federation in continuation school, but the municipalities do not agree. The aim of this thesis is to examine why Olofström co-operate with Sölvesborg and Karlshamn, if there are any problems and where the limit of this co-operation is. The method in the thesis is qualitative interviews with local politicians and officials and an actor-structure-perspective is used. The result shows that Olofström is a municipality where the population is decreasing, and it has lost state subsidy during the last decade.

Demokrati är ett omhuldat begrepp som är svårt att definiera och har otydliga avgränsningar. Detta medför svårigheter vid kontrollen av hur demokratisk den svenska förvaltningen är. Avsaknaden av ett verktyg för att undersöka verksamheten ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv gör att demokratigranskningen har svårt att få samma förutsättningar som en ekonomirevision.Denna uppsats har som syfte att granska om en kontroll av demokratiska värden sker och hur den ser ut. Uppsatsen bygger på en fördjupad granskning av revisionen i Malmö stad.Studien har grundat sig på analys av tidigare forskning och textanalys av befintliga dokument som styr den kommunala revisionen samt intervjuer med i ämnet insatta personer.Vi fann att det förekommer en demokratisk kontroll i Malmö stad, men att den saknar en tydlig demokratidefinition som kunde vara ett verktyg för att ytterligare utveckla hur en sådan kontroll ska se ut. Denna otydlighet återfinns i de regleringar som styr den kommunala revisionen, varför vi efterlyser en levande demokratidiskussion..

This study was made to compare construction companies for gardens way to work with up following, with purpose to see if there was an efficient and not resource demanded system which gave much value. To achieve the purpose a case study was made. The delimitation for the case study was only to compare the work with up following on individual project. The delimitation on the companies in the study was from ten to sixty employees. That because to reach companies were it´s not the same person how calculates on tenders and than perform the projects. The study was delimitated to the west side of Skåne. T o be able to compare the companies and to find trends, an interviewguide was made and was used during the interviews with the companies.

Människors livsmönster är idag inte lika förutsägbara som förr, ålder kön och klass är inte det enda som styr våra livsval längre vilket gör det svårare att planera utifrån sådana parametrar. Det skapas nya gemenskaper på nya grunder när den digitala tekniken gör det möjligt att kommunicera oberoende av geografisk närhet. Samtidigt är folk mer benägna att flytta, dels för att studera eller hitta nya arbetsplatser men också för att upptäcka nya saker och utveckla sig själva. Att världen är föränderlig är i sig inget nytt, men globaliseringen, informationssamhället och den ökade konkurrens som de medför, leder till ett ökat behov för platser/regioner att faktiskt anpassa sig till de nya villkor som förändringarna medför och visa att man innehar attraktivitet. Att ha visioner och strategier som skapar förutsättningar för människors varierande livsstilar och livsmönster, samt att marknadsföra och kommunicera detta såväl inåt som utåt tycks bli allt viktigare..

At the Congress of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) in 1991 a decision was made to reform LOs politics of gender. In the new resolution class and gender were established as equal causes of oppression. This was a giant leap from LOs traditional politics, where the dimension of class had always been considered more important than gender. The present thesis discusses how gender was constructed in LOs discourse after 1990 by analysing their official publications about gender politics called Klass och kön. The key terms in the analysis are continuity and change.

Written declarations in the European Parliament have not been given muchattention in the field of political science. The scope of this Master's thesis is toexamine whether symbolic politics are present in written declarations and howthis may show. In this study, the aspects of symbolic politics of writtendeclarations of the sixth parliamentary term are examined using a taxonomy foridentifying symbolic politics developed by Peter Santesson-Wilson. Thetaxonomy is applied on 15 written declarations, all adopted by the EuropeanParliament, dealing with a variety of EU-related issues, ranging from July 2004 toJuly 2008.The main findings of the study show that symbolic politics is a presentphenomenon in nearly all written declarations (13 out of 15 cases) subject to thisstudy.In the final chapter of this study inter alia symbolic politics as a deliberateaction is discussed in the view of written declarations. Irrespective of this, onecould say that symbolic politics are institutionalised in the European Parliament,at least when it comes to written declarations..

AbstractGlobalisation has lead to changes on many levels of our society; -industrial, technological, and corporate to name a few. This is an ongoing process which affects the society we live in today. The process is affecting the working-conditions for everyone through the changes of the relations on the working market. The unions have enjoyed a very special role in Sweden for a long time, but that role is now affected by these changes. The relationship between state and unions is changing, and the unions? influence in politics is decreasing.

Det här arbetet består av en djupgående fallstudie av FN:s roll i Kambodjas demokratiseringsprocess, där fokus ligger på den stora interventionen som skedde i början av 1990-talet. Arbetet är till stor del av deskriptiv karaktär där vi försöker reda ut händelseförloppen i Kambodja efter Röda Khmerernas fall. Vår utvärdering av FN:s insats är att den har haft en stor påverkan på landet, men att man inte till fullo lyckades uppnå den långsiktiga demokratin som var FN:s intention. En förklaring till varför man inte lyckades skapa demokrati i ett längre perspektiv, kan förklaras utifrån de organisatoriska brister som fanns, men även FN:s rädsla att bedriva det ledarskap man ålagts genom fredsavtalen. Vi kommer att utgå från ett koncept om ?peace-maintenance?, som innebär ett helhetsperspektiv, där vi konstaterar att FN hade kunnat förbättra vissa punkter för att åstadkomma ett bättre resultat..

On December 20, 2001, the Swedish citizen Mehdi Ghezali was captured on the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Ghezali spent the following 930 days in U.S. captivity, without being charged with any crime. My aim in this essay is to analyze how Ghezali was portrayed in three Swedish newspapers under and after his captivity, two nationwide and one local newspaper based in Ghezali's hometown. My purpose is to see whether Ghezali's identity is constructed differently in the three newspapers, as regards The Other, Stereotypization, etc.

The aim of the study was to describe how hygienist`s receiving their certificate during 2003 and 2004, perceive their working situation, salary and impression of their first employment as a registered dental hygienist. A questionnaire was sent out to new dental hygienist`s examined year 2003 and 2004 in Sweden. Most of the new examined dental hygienist`s found the education adequate or more than adequate. A few individuals found it inadequate. The ones finding the education inadequate wanted more clinical practice and more training in administrative work.

In recent years the liberal representative democracy has been subject of a substantial critique because of its inability to accommodate difference and createa genuinely democratic political process. One such critique comes from the theory of deliberative democracy. Supporters of deliberative democracy try to promote a model of democracy that take its vantage point in free and equal deliberationbetween all relevant actors in a political community. This model has with some success opposed the aggregative model of democracy, and in important ways turned the attention to the potential of deliberative processes.However, the deliberative model is still somewhat underdeveloped when it comes to issues of diversity and difference. This essay deals with such deficiencies by analysing deliberative democracy in the light of the critiquelaunched by difference- and radical democrats.

Olof Palme var en av de ledande kritiska ro?sterna under Vietnamkriget. Go?ran Perssons ro?st var betydligt fo?rsiktigare under Irakkriget. Vad beror det pa? att tva?statsministrar som representerar samma land och samma parti kan go?ra tva? sa?fundamentalt olika sta?llningstaganden? Genom att va?ga externa, interna och individuella faktorer mot varandra har vianalyserat Palmes och Perssons personliga sta?llning i svensk utrikespolitik.Vi har visat att Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson a?r mycket olika som individer och att dessa skillnader a?terspeglas i den utrikespolitik som formulerades.Eftersom vi visar att ba?de Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson har handlat kognitivtkonsistent i formulerandet av utrikespolitiken menar vi att ba?de Palme och Persson direkt pa?verkat utformningen av svensk utrikespolitik.Vi visar ocksa? att den fo?rda svenska utrikespolitiken i ho?g grad sta?mmero?verens med Palmes och Perssons egna utrikespolitiska ma?l vilket sta?rker va?ra slutsatser..

This essay is about the Northern Ireland Conflict and the Belfast Agreement. Its focus is on the development in Northern Ireland politics after the implementationof the Agreement which was ratified in a referendum. The essay is a case studywhich analyzes the progress towards an Assembly Government and powersharingbetween the unionists and the nationalists/republicans. The development is analyzed with Robert D. Putnam's theory of Two-Level Games? The essay first analyzes the changes in the unionist society where the opinion towards the agreement has been negative which depends on the concessions made by the unionist.