AbstractThe purpose of this minor thesis is to describe and systematize the Swedish debate about Sweden?s participation in the defence community of the European Union. Should Sweden take part of this or not? My aim is to describe the debate in a structured and legible way, so that the reader can get a comprehensive picture. The questions of the study are:· Which actors join in the Swedish debate about Sweden?s military participation in the EU:s defensive community; the possible common defence of the EU and the EU:s military crisis management?· Which arguments are delivered (for and against) in the debate?To be able to fulfil the aim of this study I have done an argumentation analysis.

The purpose of this essay is to critically review three different contributions to the agency ? structure debate from a political science perspective. My opinon is that the agency ? structure debate is one of the main problems within the social science. The theories which I will examine are Lennart Berntsons theory from 1974, Lennart Lundquists from 1984 and Walter Carlsnaes from 1992.

Title: Facebook ? a false utopia?Authors: Anton Furuland & Dominic ChennayaPrincipal research question: Is the political polarization increasing on and through Facebook?Theoretical frame: Identification theory, selective exposure theory, spiral of silenceMethod/Material: Semi-structured interviews which provided our materialMain Results: Our research has shown a tendency for increased political polarization on Facebook.Number of pages: 58Course: Media and communication studies CDepartment: Department of informaticsUniversity: Uppsala UniversityPeriod: HT 2014Tutor: Amelie HössjerKeywords: Political polarization, Facebook, political debate, selective exposure, identification.

Background: Documents and legislation inform us that parts of the public health service of Sweden, at a political level, aim to support people?s sexual health. Statistics show there has been an increase among young woman, seeking help for sexual pain during intercourse. The diagnosis that the media has come to observe lately is vulvar vestibulitis. In general there is a lack of knowledge about the existence of this state of pain and its causes, which impacts woman to get appropriate help and support in time.

The purpose of this thesis has been to examine preventing child sexual abuse in four elementary schools in Stockholm, Sweden. The study is based on qualitative interviews with school counselors. The aim of this thesis was to find out how and if elementary schools in Sweden work with preventing child sexual abuse. The aim was also to examine how the school counselors reason about the schools efforts to prevent child sexual abuse. Their statements was analysed with Foucault?s theory about sexual history to get a deeper understanding for why people reason the way they do when it comes to issues like this.

This paper seeks to explore how victims of crime and defendants are portrayed in sexual assault cases. Lately, more and more voices have been raised in appal against values demonstrated in court decisions and we?ve seen the implementation of a new sexual assault legislation in attempt to increase people?s sexual integrity. Yet, at the same time, there is still a tremendously low amount of reported sexual assaults that go to trial and even fewer result in conviction. This paper is not an attempt to scrutinize the legal system, but to draw attention to what values are portrayed in sexual assault cases.

In recent years, the right-wing extremist site Avpixlat (?Unveiled?) and the anti-racist blog Inte rasist, men... (?Not a racist, but??, IRM) have established themselves as political actors and platforms for political discussion in Sweden. However, we know very little about them and their impact on democracy.

The purpose of this study is to explore professionals? view on why men purchase sexual services with a focus on heterosexual prostitution where the man is the buyer and the woman is the seller. To achieve the studys? purposes and to be able to examine professionals? views a qualitative approach is taken with semi-structured interviews. Six professionals who work or have been working in the organisation KAST (Buyers of sexual services, own translation), who are situated in Malmö, Gothenburg and Stockholm, have been interviewed.

This study explores the notion of class and social inequality as expressed in the Swedish election campaign of 2006 and in the reception of the Swedish conservative party as a "worker's party". Inspired by Fairclough's critical discourse analysis I have carried through an investigation of the debate. My sources consists in a collection of articles, mainly leader columns and contributions to the debate, from a selected number of Swedish newspapers.I found that an explicit discussion about class, or use of the concept as such, was largely absent. In cases where the concept occurred it was often used in a purely descriptive sense or dismissed as outdated. Furthermore, I have drawn the conclusion that the traditional understanding of class is being challenged by a discourse which aims at establishing a new understanding of social inequality as lack of paid work.I take my point of departure in the belief that class continues to be one of the most important bases of social inequality.

Although Sweden has democracy implemented in its Constitution, because of being a monarchy, it has a non-elected Head of State. The purpose of this thesis is on the one hand to show if it is possible to normatively legitimate the Swedish monarchy and on the other hand to display if and how the three biggest Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen justify monarchy by making a content-oriented analysis of their coverage of King Carl XVI Gustaf's political statement during his state visit in Brunei 2004.By using consequentialism and deontology as perspectives I will show that it overall is not possible to normatively justify the Swedish monarchy compared to a Swedish republic with an elected Head of State. This is mainly because democracy is implemented in the Swedish Constitution. In all three newspapers there is only little debate on the Constitution. Most commonly journalists criticize the King's statement but not monarchy as an institution.

New political parties are increasing as phenomena in Swedish politics. Some of these parties have gained much attention in the media, and recent examples are Junilistan, Feministiskt initiativ and Sjukvårdspartiet. Media plays an important role for political parties as it is a way for the parties to communicate with the citizens. Therefore this essay examines how these three new parties have been pictured in media lately, and with what arguments they are discussed. This is done by argument analysis of editorials in five Swedish newspapers.

This essay examines the public debate concerning the unemployment of Sweden just before the general election 2005. Its main purpose is to analyse what lies behind the huge differences in statistics, as presented by the two leading factions in the debate. It concludes that these differences are foremost a problem of semantics, and that although the two factions have statistical proof of their claims, it is their use of terminology that is in fact their main weapon in the debate.The key word here is the swedish word for employment ? sysselsättning ? which the two facitons use in entirely different ways, creating a lot of possabilities for interpretation. This has caused a type of debate which is actually about the reinterpretation this word, and those who are to be included in the statistics as being ?sysselsatt?, therefore, it is semantics that affects the number of unemployed people in the statistics..

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social movements and the mass media. The new social movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

When it comes to political representation, all over the world women almost always make up a minority of representatives in the legislative bodies. The Scandinavian countries in general and Sweden in particular have though been exceptions to this rule with, when compared to other countries, a rather high percentage of women in elected positions. This development took off in the seventies: during that decade the unit percentage of women in the Swedish Riksdag rose by double!The aim for this thesis is to analyse what underlying ideas influenced this advance. The focus is on three different female party federations, who are believed to have had a great impact on this increase of women politicians through their influence in their own mother parties. The federations analysed are the ones connected to the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the Liberal party.

In this thesis I examine the development and expansion of judicial power in Sweden. The concept of judicial review is defined and related to democratic theory, and the various forms of judicial review in use in Sweden are explained. The main focus is on the political and scientific discussion concerning judicial review since the mid 1970s. It is shown that judicial review so far has been used only to a limited extent and that the number of court cases has remained quite stable over time. The main cause of judicialization seems to be the supremacy of EU law following the Swedish EU membership in 1995 and the inclusion of the European Convention on Human Rights into Swedish law.