The means to political participation at the local level in Sweden are changing and this change is analyzed through a case study. The first aim is to explore the forms of public political participation in Swedish municipal Älvkarleby, namely public question time in local government, citizen motions and open meetings. A part of this is also to analyze he every day contact between citizens and representatives. The second aim concerns the reasons why politicians decide to support these means to participationThe empirical material consists mainly of semi structured interviews with local politicians, civil servants, participating citizens and local press. Official documents such as public minutes are also used in the process of creating an image of local participation.Local political participation is found to be limited but yet having the potential to strengthen democracy, provided that public decision-makers are open to a dialogue with the participants.Using Kjell Arne Røvik's theories of organisational change, the changes in local democracy can be explained as being partly rational, partly symbolic and partly identity shaping political decisions..

The essay?s main focus has been to investigate and analyze the political actions behind the 2015?s grade compromise; an agreement to introduce grades from the fourth year in primary school. Through a game-theory analysis, mainly based in Leif Lewin?s and Jörgen Herman's research on rationality in politics, this study examined the grade debate  during a fifteen year period. The primary task has thereby been to explain the grade compromise through game-theory.

AbstractTitle: From old rightwing-ghost to the new labour party ? The new conservatives political communication during the Swedish election 2006Authors: Pontus CarestenAim: The aim of the essay is to study how the conservative party communicated during the election campaign in 2006. I wish to find out how political parties work in todays society and how the communication has changed over time. To get relevant results I will also see how the theories and empirics interact. The purpose is further to illustrate the new conservatives? campaign work from a senders point of view.Method/Material: I have chosen a qualitative method which consists of three interviews with relevant key persons.

There are lots of theories about participatory democracy, but rather few examples of how to create it in practice. In the 1930´s, scientists at the Chicago School, implemented some projects within the Chicago Area Project, with the aim to decrease the youth delinquency in the socio disadvantaged areas surrounding Chicago. In this thesis, I assess wether these projects, and in particular the one at the Russell Square Area, have some common features with the thoughts of two of the most famous participatory democrats, Carole Pateman and Benjamin Barber. My question is if the Chicago Area Project could be seen as an experiment in participatory democracy. I find that participatory democrats could benefit from the experiences of the Chicago Area Project.

In 1970 professional boxing became illegal in Sweden and in 2009 the prohibition was removed.Just before both of these changes in the law there were debates in media where people argued forand against ilegalization. In the later debate the focus has shifted from professional boxing toinclude Mixed Martial Arts(MMA) as well. MMA was governed and bound by the same law asprofessional boxing.This purpose of this paper is to compare the debate in 1968-1969 with the debate in 2006. The twodebates resulted in two different outcomes, ilegalization of professional boxing in 1970 and thenlegalization of it 2009. Are there any reason for these differences? What is the reasoning behindthis? By using hegemonic masculinity as a guidance when examining the debates this paper istrying to understand how the discourse have changed over time.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party ?The Sweden Democrats? will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study.Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being ?The Social Democratic Party?, ?The Moderate Party? and ?The Sweden Democrats?. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric.The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that ?The Sweden Democrats? to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties..

Oestrus in dairy cattle has changed over the last decades; the intensity of oestrus has declined and the duration decreased. Several studies have shown that not all dairy cows stand to be mounted, and that oestrus expression in many cases may be characterized by other behaviours. The aim of this study was to investigate oestrus behaviour in a herd of todays? high producing dairy cattle. The study was carried out at Jälla naturbruksgymnasium in Uppsala during one week in January 2011.

When it comes to investigating the motives behind activism, the members of political study have a lot to say. I aimed to critiqually rewiev this in my thesis. I asked the question ?What do the actor themselves claim lay behin their decision to become motivated?? To highlight this complex dilemma, I sought to discuss new social movement theory by comparing it to reality. This includes a literate examination on contemporary political science approaches, and a study of two organisations in the south of Sweden, choosen not to despise any excisting theory, but to give it a sense of reality.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

School and education are topics that are frequent in Swedish media. The intention of this essay has therefore been to investigate the image of teachers and their profession in Swedish daily press. The overall aim has been to analyze how teachers are portrayed in the debate that followed the TV-show Klass 9A, and by that find how the debate defines the concept of a good teacher. The representation that was found was then compared to earlier studies. The series was shown on Swedish television between January and March 2011.26 articles were chosen and the ambition was to have various perspectives represented, such as different voices and also papers from different areas of the country.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze why, in the case of Afghanistan, the government chose to establish a highly centralized political system, when from a democratic standpoint a less centralized system would be preferable.The time period that is examined span from 2001 when the so-called Bonn-Accord was signed, to the parliamentary elections held in 2005, a period often referred to as the Bonn-process.The theoretical framework examines both the complex relations between federalism and democracy, as well as the relation between federalism and the role of existent ethnic minorities. The theoretical framework is then used in order to explain why it would be problematic to create a federal system in Afghanistan under the present circumstances.The conclusions that can be drawn are the following: In case of the republic Afghanistan the creation and implementation of a highly centralized political system was the only possible way for the government to be able to cope and practically deal with the problems of existent ethnic antagonism and regional warlords in order to create a stable political situation in the country..

Around the 1950s an explosive population growth started in the Third World. Parallel with the population growth a global network grew up advocating population control and limited population growth. Sweden had a unique place in that network through a pioneering role promoting the issue in the UN organization. During the 20th century Sweden was a pioneer country in terms of initiatives for population control. Ceylon family planing pilot project was something new in a time when other donors considered family planning be too controversial area for bilateral aid projects.

We have performed a historical research, trying to establish the auditing conditions, in terms of adjustments over time. Our purpose with this essay was to demonstrate the facts behind the independence of the auditor, and hopefully give the reader some new information.Our questions at issue were: What in the debate, regarding the independence of the auditor, in concern of the scandals, is most relevant each decade?Witch aftermath has influenced the regulation regarding the independence of the auditor?What we thought was the best way to answer this question was to study a large amount of journals according to the current decade, since 1930 and forward. The journals presented different persons opinions regarding the scandals, and we used them as an instrument to analyse the regulations and after-effects of the scandals.Our conclusion is that in purpose to make the auditor independent, the debate among competent and well-informed people in the line of business has, through the decades, frequently recurred to strive towards a more homogenous auditing..

The purpose of this study is to analyse the discourse on political exclusion in the official report Demokratiutredningen. It has been my ambition to relate the analysis of the report to a critical academic discourse on political exclusion and thereby make visible hidden norms and structures which functions to exclude certain individuals and groups from political participation.My paper point out that the report establishes a strong link between democracy and participation and that it, therefore, makes a strong case for a process of democratic inclusion. Though, in my study I suggest that that there is an unawareness of the importance of norms, hegemonic conceptions and structures and that inclusion, therefore, is unlikely to take place. Furthermore, I criticize the focus on deliberative democracy in the report. With insights offered by Mouffe in her argumentation on the necessity to acknowledge the dimension of antagonism present in all societies I underline that the focus on this democratic model is problematic.My conclusion is that the analysis presented in the report is insufficient if we want to create a democratic system characterized by equality..

Around the 1950s an explosive population growth started in the Third World. Parallel with the population growth a global network grew up advocating population control and limited population growth. Sweden had a unique place in that network through a pioneering role promoting the issue in the UN organization. During the 20th century Sweden was a pioneer country in terms of initiatives for population control. Ceylon family planing pilot project was something new in a time when other donors considered family planning be too controversial area for bilateral aid projects.